Korean “Comfort Women” of Wwii Essay

â€Å"†¦Use curiosity to ask challenging questions about what appear as normal, everyday banalities in order to try and understand make visible’ the hidden gendering of the practice and theorizing of international relations† –Cynthia Enloe In times of armed conflict, women are most susceptible to violence and silencing through the sexualization, dehumanization, and stigmatization of their identities. Janie Leatherman highlights this point when stating â€Å"gender based violence often intensifies and becomes more extreme in a crisis, even escalating into a tool of war â€Å" (4). This is inevitable in a patriarchal society where hegemonic masculine values construct gender norms and gender expectations. Sexual violence during armed conflict does not develop in isolation from the society’s preexisting socioeconomic and culturally shaped gender relationships. Furthermore, the patriarchal nature of a society does not work alone in creating injustices, such as sexual violence, against women during and after armed conflict; there must be a â€Å"framework that embraces the realities, contradictions, and intersections of various global relations of power† (Kempadoo, 29). These intersections include the relationships between gender, race, class, cultural, and societal ideologies. In my paper, I take on Cynthia Enloe’s challenge of using an enquiring, gendered lens to explore the silencing of women during and after war by examining the case of the Korean ‘comfort women’ of World War II. I will analyze how the intersection of prevailing social determinants and ideologies have regulated and perpetuated the rationale and, thus, the invisibility of the Korean comfort women during and in the aftermath of World War II. Literature Review & Research Methodology Yoshiaki Yoshimi’s Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military during World War II, Margaret Stetz’s Legacies of the Comfort Women of World War II, as well as Toshiyuki Tanaka’s Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II were mainly used throughout my research to gather the testimonies of surviving Korean comfort women. All three books give a comprehensive look into the phenomenon of the Japanese military comfort women system with historical background and an abundance of testimonies and documentation of the Korean comfort women. Because my research focuses on the silencing of Korean comfort women during and in the aftermath of World War II, these oral histories provide crucial supporting evidence throughout my paper. Besides two testimonies by one Japanese soldier and one Japanese military doctor, testimonies by other Japanese soldiers and government officials that have acknowledged the existence of the comfort women stations were difficult t o find. Therefore, throughout these testimonies, I specifically looked for patterns that revealed evidence of Japanese gender hierarchies through the diction and accounts that imply any dehumanization and objectification imparted by Japanese soldiers. To investigate the determinants that had cultivated the Japanese comfort station system and, more importantly, the targeting of Korean women for the system, I specifically used Cynthia Enloe’s Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives as well as Janie Leatherman’s Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict. Both authors give insights and analyses of the causes and consequences of sexual violence during armed conflict. They both emphasize the interplay of patriarchal systems, gender constructions/norms, and political/economic/cultural structures as large contributors. In addition to these specific determinants, I incorporate Sara Ahmed’s analysis to sexual violence by considering the â€Å"cultural intersections between gender, race, and colonialism† in my analytical approach (138). By applying and intertwining the critical approaches of Enloe, Leatherman, and Ahmed, I am able to isolate the multifaceted, yet intersecting institutions and ideologies that had fabricated the invisibility of and the rationale for the Korean comfort women. Background of the Japanese Comfort Stations The euphemism ‘comfort women’ was the name assigned to thousands of women –mainly Korean but also Burmese, Chinese, Dutch, Eurasians, Indians, Indonesian, Filipina, and Taiwanese –who were forced into the Japanese comfort station system (Japan’s military controlled whore houses or brothels) throughout World War II (Yoshimi). These so called ‘comfort stations’ were far from comforting. The conditions of the physical spaces have been described as â€Å"barrack-like facilities, rudimentary tents, [or] shacks† (Yoshimi, 25). One Japanese military doctor has testified that the women were treated like â€Å"female ammunition† and that their dehumanized bodies were reduced to the likes of â€Å"public toilets† (Wantabe, 20). The testimony of Hwang Kum-Ju, one of the first Korean comfort women to testify in public, only reveals a glimpse of the sufferings she and fellow comfort women had to endure: â€Å"There were so many soldiers. Sometimes, we had to do it with twenty to thirty soldiers a day. I think ours was the only comfort station in that area, and soldiers and officers came whenever they had some spare moments. Higher-ups came freely, and at night we usually slept with officers. Women who contracted venereal diseases were simply left to die or shot. Anyone resisting the advances was beaten† (Kim, 97). Comfort women were subjected to daily rapes, sexual diseases, torture, murder, and other forms of mental, physical, and sexual violence. The comfort stations were created during World War II as a solution to the aftermath of the Japanese military committing mass murders and rapes as they moved across mainland Asia. The catalyst for the creation of the comfort system was the most infamous massacre known as the â€Å"The Rape of Nanking† in which the whole village of Nanking was murdered after the Japanese soldiers raped approximately 20,000 village women. Because this particular massacre caused such an outcry in the international press, Emperor Hirohito of Japan ordered the creation and systematic expansion of the comfort stations. However, the purpose for which these comfort stations were created was not out of concern for the safety of local women of in the territories in which the Japanese soldiers were stationed. Naoai Murata, the Defense Agency Director of the Secretariat in 1992, claimed that they were created in order to ‘†¦maintain order [and] to ease the anti-Japanese feeling aroused by the Japanese soldier’s deeds’ (Schmidt, 88). This would restore the image of the Imperial Army by confining and concealing rape and sexual violence to military controlled facilities. Additionally, as the war progressed, these comfort stations transformed into spaces that provided opportunities for the Japanese soldiers to have sex as a means of relaxation and comfort, a boost for morale, a space to assert their masculinity, to relieve the stress and fear of combat, and an outlet from strict military discipline (Yoshimi, 53). The following interview of one Japanese soldier highlights the psychological influence and importance of the comfort women to the Japanese soldiers: â€Å"Even though we had just returned from lengthy military operations at the front, the thought of having sex made us leave immediately for the [comfort women]. When we arrived at where the women were, soldiers took their place in line and mulled over life and death while waiting for their turn. There was nothing else like the supreme feeling of completeness that the soldiers experienced when engaging in sex with the women. This was the only way for them to whole-heartedly escape from their abnormal existence† (Yoshimi, 54-55). The advocacy and rationale for the comfort women system reveal the dependency of the military on women. The comfort women system was considered an important element for the war efforts, even if only temporary. Why Korean Comfort Women? Approximately 80% of the 100,000 to 200,000 comfort women were Korean with ages ranging from 13 to mid-20’s (Yoshimi, 67). The question that can be elucidated from this statistic is simple: ‘why were the majority of the comfort women Korean?’ The answer to this question can be answered with: â€Å"†¦the military usually does not need – or want- all women to provide all these militarized services. Rather, government officials have needed women of some classes and some races and some ages to serve some of these functions†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Enloe 2000, 44). Furthermore, in order to further pinpoint the determinants to why this marginalized group was targeted, there needs to be â€Å"an engagement with the interplay of global relations of power around gender, race, nationality, and the economy (Kempadoo, 29). These underlying intertwining ideologies and institutions that have contributed to the explicit targeting of Korean women for the Japanese comfort stat ions need to be explored. Racial Ideologies: Racism The excessive usage of Korean women for the Japanese comfort system is directly linked to the elements of racism. This phenomenon can be analyzed by the intertwined relationship between colonialism, race, socially constructed gender ideologies. As Sara Ahmed emphasizes, â€Å" a consideration of cultural intersections between gender, race, and colonialism is important for two main reasons. First it demands that feminism reject any approach, which isolates the production of gender from race and colonialism. As a result, it requires us to consider how certain feminisms may themselves function as part of the colonialist culture† (138). With this framework in mind, it can be elucidated that the targeting of Korean women stems from the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 from which Korea became a protectorate of Japan and later officially colonized in 1910. Despite the fact that Korea had become a colony under Japan’s rule, the Japanese government and society’s sentiment â€Å"dictated that the [Korean] population was still considered to be racially inferior† (Tanaka, 96). While exploiting and objectifying Korean women, the Japanese military did not see it appropriate to exploit their own women to the same extent: â€Å"[Japanese] officials believed [international] laws were not applicable to Japan’s colonies, and this, combined with the belief in the superiority of Japanese women and the suitability of women of other races for prostitution, cemented to use [Korean] women from the colonies as comfort women† (Tanaka, 97) The Korean comfort women were positioned and identified as ‘uncivilized,’ inferior, subjugated, and promiscuous by the Japanese masculine colonial mindset. Derogatory and sexualized words, accompanied by violence, were used against the Korean comfort women at the comfort stations as racially discriminatory identifiers of the superior and the inferior groups. These words included ‘Ppagayor! Senpino kuseni!’ which translates to ‘Idiot! Nothing but a Korean cunt!’ (Yoshimi, 113). Enloe explains that objectifying foreign women makes it easier for military officials to marginalize them: â€Å"it was far easier for commanders to send women if they could be portrayed as rootless, promiscuous, parasitic, and generally a drag on the military’s discipline and battle readiness† (2000, 40). The images inscribed on the inferior, ‘colonized’ Korean comfort women rose from the colonialist, racial, and masculine institutions. The importance of the intersection of these institutions is emphasized by Kempadoo â€Å"a large number of women upon whose bodies and labor such constructions of masculinity depend are of nations, races, and ethnicities other than those of men is a reality that cannot be neglected or ignore† (31). These constructions of the Korean comfort women’s identities fabricated a justification that only naturalized the Japanese nation’s domination over Korean through the Korean comfort women. Gender Ideologies: Sexualized Femininity/Militarized Masculinity During World War II, the prominently patriarchal nature of the Japanese society reestablished the preexisting gendered, dichotomous construction of sexuality for both men and women in which the degree of masculinity of soldiers was greatly dependent on the comfort women. Cynthia Enloe highlights this notion by recognizing that â€Å"the women were one of the strengths, which maintained the military organization† (Enloe 1988, 187). Enloe draws attention to this dependency by stating ‘the military needs women as the gender ‘women’ to provide men with masculinity –reinforcing incentives to endure all the hardships of soldiering (Enloe 1988, 214). During World War II, within the Japanese military, there were socially constructed forms of masculinity and femininity that were reinforced by the onset of war and the military. The service of and dependency on the objectified women’s body s tems from what Carole Vance explains to be social constructions of gender and sexuality, not as â€Å"natural† and â€Å"unchanging† biologically determined notions of gender and sexuality. Socially constructed gender roles have shaped â€Å"sexuality as a form of power† (Mackinnon, 2). Catherine Mackinnon further describes these powerful gender roles: â€Å"the social beings we know as man and woman are bound by social requirements of heterosexuality, which institutionalizes male sexual domination and female sexual submission† The woman’s identity becomes inexplicably attached to her sexuality, becoming â€Å"that which is most of her own, yet is most taken away† (Tong, 111). Sexuality becomes distorted into an ideal of sexuality that reduces women to sexual objects while placing men as the dominating, sexual subject. The highly hierarchical gender system of Japan during World War II fostered an inequality between men and women in which â€Å"men create the demand and women are the supply† (Hughes, 11). The objectification of the Korean women was necessary for the militarization of men. (Enloe 2000). During times of war, the ideologies of masculinity that â€Å"their love and respect can only be met by being masculine, powerful, and ult imately violent† are fuelled (Kokopeli, 233). This is because the military as a social institution is constructed by ideals of male sexuality. The sexualization of the female body aids the military in the marginalization of women as it depicts women as objects and tools for the soldier’s sexual satisfaction. Vance states that all â€Å"social construction approaches adopt the view that physically identical sexual acts may have varying social significance and subjective meaning depends on how they are defined and understood in different cultures and historical periods† (29). Militarized masculinities are sexualized in violent forms, which was clearly the case among the Japanese soldiers. The socially constructed feminine identity at the time was one of which sexuality was merely designed to service individual men and male defined institutions. This explanation creates a foundation for the upheld rigid distinctions between masculine and feminine ideals in the Japanese society during World War II. For the Japanese male soldiers, the militarized masculine model of sexuality embodied notions of dominance, destructi on, aggression, and sexual conquest. On the other hand, the Korean comfort women subjected to this patriarchal society were merely reduced to submissive, obedient, and sexual tools. Enloe also argues that wartime sexual violence provides ‘masculinity-reinforcing incentives to endure all the hardships of soldiering’ (1988, 214). The practice of going to the comfort stations to have sex with the comfort women became a routine for the Japanese soldiers; the women were seen as a â€Å"necessary evil† (Tanaka, 67). Whereas on the battlefield, the Japanese soldiers had little control, having sex with women against their will gave the men the masculine power of dominance and self-assertion. In battle, Japanese soldiers were merely seen as military ammunition for combat, but they were able to reinforce their own masculine subjectivity and agency through the sexual objectification of Korean comfort women. This can be comprehended through the account of one Korean comfort woman, Yi Sunok: â€Å"There were many times when I was almost killed. If I refused to do what one man asked, he would come back drunk and threaten me with his sword. Others simply arrived drunk, and had intercourse with their swords stuck in the tatami. This left the tatami scarred, but this sort of behavior was more of a threat to make me accede to their desires and give them satisfaction† (Tanaka, 56). The Korean comfort women provided an environment where the men could reinforce militarized masculine at the expense of the women’s dehumanization as well as their mental and physical health. The Korean comfort women not only suffered enforced sex, but sex routinely accompanied by routine violence and torture. Although the comfort women station system was blatant throughout World War II, it was rationalized by socially constructed, yet biologically justified, notions of male sexuality. Vance would call this justification as â€Å"biological determinism,† which is the belief that biology determines fundamentally all behavior and actions. The belief that the comfort women were needed because of the male Japanese soldiers’ biologically determined, uncontrollable sexual needs can be perceived in the secret report by a psychiatrist of the Konodai army hospital in 1939: â€Å"The army authorities established comfort stations†¦because they assumed that it was impossible to suppress the sexual urge of soldiers. The main purposes of setting up comfort facilities were to relieve soldiers of daily stresses by giving them a sense of sexual satisfaction and to prevent rapes which would damage the reputation of the Imperial army from happening† (Yoshimi, 1992, 228). This understanding of male sexuality inadvertently reduces the rationale for the comfort station system to a biological one. It justifies the creation of the comfort women system as unavoidable and inevitable as though there was no other solution. The biological determinism argument is a legitimizing tool for it positions this constructed masculinity as outside of human control. The trope of ‘uncontrollable military male sexuality’ rooted in the ‘nature’ rationale only suspends moral and legal restrains on the comfort women system while perpetuating and justifying the women’s objectified, subordinate position. Socioeconomic Status The majority of the Korean women that were targeted in the comfort station system were from a low socioeconomic class. Hughes reiterates this point by pointing out that recruiters of areas in the sex industry â€Å"take advantage of poverty, unemployment and a desire to emigrate to recruit and traffic women into the sex industry† (11). Hughes also includes a report from the Women’s NGO which states, â€Å"†¦economic hard times has lead to a depression of women’s psychological state with a loss of self esteem and hope for the future. Women accept unlikely offers of employment in unskilled jobs at high salaries with the resignation that ‘it cannot be worse’ than their present lives. Recruiters for the sex industry target the most economically depresses areas† (12). The Korean women of low economic status and class were vulnerable to the deceitful recruitment methods of the Japanese. For example, the Korean population in the Japanese colonized territories was very poor during World War II because Japan had taken any available means of production of food and clothes for the war effort (Argibay, 378). This left most of the young Korean women and girls living in poverty and starting menial labor at a very early age in order to support their families. ‘Recruiters’ would encourage compliance by convincing the women that they would obtain high paid jobs as seamstresses and nurses or working in a hospital or a factory (Stetz, 10). One comfort women named Suntok Kim recalls that when she was being ‘recruited,’ the prospects of being a ‘comfort woman’ for the Japanese seemed promising because she came from a poor family and had no education. Working in a factory was far better than her current working and living conditions (Stetz, 10). Furthermore, the U.S. Office of War Interrogation Report No. 49 reports that when being recruited â€Å"Korean women assumed that comfort service consisted of visiting wounded soldiers and generally making the soldiers happy, and that many Korean women enlisted on the basis of these misrepresentations† (Arigbay , 378) Another means of recruitment that targeted Koreans of low socioeconomic class was through the method of debt bondage, indenturing the Korean comfort women to the Japanese military. Economically destitute rural families were deceived into thinking that they had a choice of whether or not to sell their daughters to the Japanese military; however, in reality, they were being coerced with violence and had no agency in this matter. Many reports have indicated that families who refused to sell their daughters were killed and girls taken to the Japanese military bases after. The Japanese would also threaten to destroy â€Å"the whole village, kill the elders and children and commit other violent measures† (Arigbay, 278). Many Korean comfort women did not have the agency, autonomy, or the economic option to oppose Japanese forces. Offering a payment was simply a customary ruse by the Japanese military to justify their methods in taking these powerless Korean women. Continuum of Injustice & Invisibility in the Aftermath Stigmatization: Cultural & Social Institutions In the aftermath of World War II, the experiences of the comfort women were silenced for approximately 50 years. This silence was finally broken in the early 1990s when the issue was brought to light as former comfort women began to release their testimonies to the public. When this issue began to gain public attention, the Japanese government immediately declared that the comfort women system did not exist in the Japanese military and thus â€Å"there could be no question of any apology, memorial, or disclosures by the Japanese government† (Uncomfortable Truths). To this day, comfort women are still waiting for an apology for the violation of their human rights and for the objectification of their bodies and identities from the Japanese government. Many grassroots organizations and feminist groups have been created since the early 1990s to draw attention to issue of the comfort women. These include the Korean Research Institute for Chongsindae and the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Sexual Slavery by Japan. Since the early 1990s over one hundred women in South Korea have registered with the Korean government as former comfort women (Kim, 74). However, despite these efforts, the stark question of ‘why’ the surviving Korean comfort women were silenced for so long still remains. The surviving women have not only suffered from mental and physical injuries, but also had to suffer from additional social injuries. Many of the surviving Korean comfort women have had to live a stigmatized and isolated life as they tried to assimilate back into the communities. They were â€Å"condemned to live out their lives as social, pariahs, shunned by their families, tortured by injury and illness, some sent mad by their ordeal†¦some committed suicide, others became insane† (Askin, 13). This stigmatization can be attributed to the Confucian societies in Korea for the Korean comfort women were products of this culture. The Confucian definition of the traditional feminine identity highlights docility and emphasizes chastity as a woman’s most important virtue (Stetz, 13). As Iris Chang reiterates: â€Å"Asian Confucianism-particularly Korean Confucianism- upheld female purity as a virtue greater than life and perpetuated the belief that any woman who could live through such a degrading experience and not commit suicide was herself an affront to society] This cultural ideology demanded that unmarried women must be virgins and blamed the women for not being able to prevent any forms of sexual violation (53). With high moral value attached to chastity and purity, the comfort women â€Å"invariably emerged from their wartime experiences defiled, yet unable to accuse their abusers† (Askin, 25). The fear of isolation and stigma from their defilement only silenced them, leaving these sexual atrocities in the dark for 50 years. The internalization of this feminine identity caused Korean comfort women to lose self-respect, to live in shame, and ultimately perpetuate their own stigmatization. Furthermore, the social stigma and shame attached to rape and sex were fostered by Korean society and the Korean comfort women’s own families. Patty Kelly explains this stigma as â€Å"a blemish of individual character that [the] women cannot escape†¦the stigmatized person is perceived as possessing weak will, unnatural passions, and treacherous beliefs† (192). The stigma of rape and sex embody has implications on community, family, and responsibility. Kelly asserts that stigma associated with sex work â€Å"circumscribes one’s social relations†¦causes fear and shame†¦creates inauthenticity in daily life† (194). Keith Howard describes the lives that the surviving Korean comfort women had to endure in their communities: â€Å"When they returned to Korea†¦they were neither faithful nor chaste. They were not exemplary women. The families of the comfort women feared the ostracism they would suffer if the shameful past were discovered; the women became an extra burden, and there was little chance to marry them off† (7). This social stigma and discrimination oppressed the surviving Korean comfort women. As Kelly points out, social relations with the family were tainted. Some of the Korean comfort women were seen as a disgrace to their family by their own family and by the rest of society. One Korean comfort woman by the name of Tokchin Kim has revealed that the honor of her family and the relationship with her family hindered her from publicizing her experience, which only allowed the comfort station system to remain invisible. Tokchin Kim had tried to register at the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan as a former comfort woman. However, her nephew expressed â€Å"You will only bring trouble on your family and your children will be traumatized† (Yoshimi, 4 9). Because of the stigmatization, humiliation, and disgrace that inevitably arose from their past as comfort women, the Korean comfort women’s experiences had unjustly remained hidden for an inordinate amount of time. Conclusion The Japanese comfort stations during World War II completely disregarded comfort women’s rights and silenced their past as a product of the rationale for the system. Leatherman explicates that the silences and justifications â€Å"undergird[ed] the economic, social, cultural, and political power structures of patriarchy. Patriarchy is a hierarchal social order centered on dominant or hegemonic forms of masculinity† (4). The justifications and invisibility stem from the intersection of socially constructed gender, cultural, racial, and socioeconomic institutions. Comfort women have had to unjustly bear the â€Å"shame, ostracism, and dishonor that should be imputed to the perpetrator of sexual violence† (Askin, 31). There has been a continuum of this disregard into the present day as the Japanese government has failed to give an official apology for their wartime atrocities after 50 years of ignoring the existence of comfort women. This untiring neglect reproduces injustice and invisibility of the comfort women to this day. As of right now, there are only 63 registered Korean comfort women in South Korea waiting out their last years to be fully recognized as comfort women by the Japanese government. In order for there to be any strides in this movement, it is imperative that the social and gender hierarchies encumbering Japanese and Korean societies be deconstructed and reevaluated. Additionally, the vast gap between the value of the female and male’s experience and rights in the patriarchal nature of Japan’s society needs to be closed. Bibliography Ahmed, Sara. â€Å"Construction of Women And/in the Orient.† Women, Power, and Resistance: An Introduction to Women’s Studies. 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By Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan. Boston: McGraw-Hill Higher Education, 2006. 29-32. Print. Varga, Aniko. â€Å"National Bodies: The ‘Comfort Women’ Discourse and Its Controversies in South Korea.† Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 9.2 (2009): n. pag. Print. Watanabe, Kazuko. â€Å"Trafficking in Women’s Bodies: Then and Now: The Issue of Military â€Å"Comfort Women†Ã¢â‚¬  Peace & Change 20.4 (1995): 501-14. Print. Yang, Hyunah. â€Å"Finding the â€Å"Map of Memory†: Testimony of the Japanese Military Sexual Slavery Survivors.† Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique 16.1 (2008): 79-107. Print. Yoshimi, Yoshiaki, and Suzanne O’Brien. Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military during World War II. New York: Columbia UP, 2000. Print.

The People Of Yellow Springs - 1635 Words

Ryan Finney Professor Kristen Sweet-McFarling ANTH 2102 27 July 2016 People of Yellow Springs I spent several days observing the small village of Yellow Springs, Ohio. Founded in 1825 and incorporated in 1856, Yellow Springs has a long history of advocating for civil rights. During the Civil War, Yellow Springs became a safe haven for over thirty freed and escaped slaves. Yellow Springs has also come under government and media scrutiny multiple times over the years for the local support of the political left-wing. This became especially true during the Red Scare of the Cold War, where they supported the right of academic freedom, which included Russia and Communism (Chiddister). In the following decades the village continued its trend of civil rights advocacy, becoming the smallest town to pass ordinances that protected sexual orientation as a status, which prohibited discrimination around it. 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Rudyard Kipling s The Jungle Book - 1375 Words

The author who wrote the beloved children’s story â€Å"The Jungle Book† is also an accused jingoist (Kipling, RudyardNobel Prize Winners). Rudyard Kipling was a European man born in Bombay India in 1865. Kipling was born during an age of British Imperialism in India (McNamara and Kipling, Rudyard Hutchinson Encyclopedia). He himself was rumored to be an imperialist for Britain. Throughout his lifetime Kipling lived in Britain, India, and the United States of America (Kipling, Rudyard World Authors). He used his many experiences from these areas to shape his writings. Kipling was also highly interested in the military affairs of Britain and managed to convince his son to join the military. In turn, this led Kipling and his wife to volunteer in the Red Cross during World War I (Kipling, Rudyard Nobel Prize Winners). Rudyard Kipling wrote works that were heavily influenced by different aspects such as Indian culture, British culture, and Imperialism, along with different military action throughout the mid to late 1800s and early 1900s. Rudyard Joesph Kipling was born to John and Alice Kipling in Bombay, India on December 30, 1865. His father, John, was the principal at the School of Art in Lahore, India. His uncle was an artist and his aunt at the time was a future British Prime Minister. In his early childhood, Kipling and his sister were raised by an Indian couple who spoke â€Å"kitchen Hindi†. At the age of six Kipling and his sister were sent back to Britain to pursueShow MoreRelatedAn Analysis Of Rudyard Kipling s The Jungle Books 1275 Words   |  6 Pagespaper, I compared the two different works of Rudyard Kipling with both the protagonists suffering from identity crisis by means of a close reading. 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Effect of the Police on the Prison Population Essays

Effect of the Police on the Prison Population Because of the increase in crime in America, the public has demanded an increase in the amount of protection received from police. This increase in police protection has increased the incarceration level by numerous amounts within the last ten years. The number of inmates incarcerated in America is a direct cause of the policing that is going on in the streets of American cities. The method of policing has a tremendous impact on the outcome of the situation, meaning the type of policing determines the amount of arrests mad and the amount of inmates incarcerated. The historical pattern of prison sentencing has always shown that the offenders almost always served a much shorter sentence than†¦show more content†¦Experiments done on the effectiveness of police during the 1970s showed that traditional methods of policing were not effective in decreasing the amount of crime on the streets. Until the early 1970s most states used the indeterminate sentencing method which allowed parole boards the authority to allow offenders to be released early. The idea of indeterminate sentencing came about in the mid-1800s and was preferred over determinate sentencing because determinate sentencing allowed no room for reform. Because of the dissatisfaction with indeterminate sentencing and the pressure for longer sentencing, there was a policy implemented in the 1980s which made it mandatory to have a guide for the minimum amount of time served as well as new sentencing guidelines. This method caused inmates to serve more time and because of this, there became a problem with overcrowding. To alleviate the overcrowding, inmates were then available to get sentence reduction because of good behavior and also with certain work programs they could be released early by the building up of earned time credit. In 1984 the first truth in sentencing laws were in acted. 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Bomb Threat and Explosion Investigation Free Essays

In addition, other law enforcement agencies may have specific information value. The Intelligence Service, Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP), Police Intelligence Group (PIG) and National Intelligence Coordinating Agency (NICA) maintains files on individuals who make threats against political leaders. The Bureau of Customs (BOC) may provide information of imported goods; the Bureau of Immigration and Deportation (BID) can provide information on individuals entering or leaving the country; the Firearms and Explosive Division, Civil Security Group, Philippine National Police (FED, CSG, PNP) maintains records on firearms and explosives; the Bureau of Corrections (BUCOR) maintains records on fugitives; the Philippine Postal Corporation (PHILPOST) may assist in matters related to the mails; the National Anti-Kidnapping Task Force (NAKTAF) may, have files of information and intelligence because they have primary jurisdiction in kidnap-for-ransom cases. We will write a custom essay sample on Bomb Threat and Explosion Investigation or any similar topic only for you Order Now On the local level, the local police authorities frequently maintain individual photo or â€Å"mug† files, alias files, business indexes, modus operandi (MO) files, victimization records and crime patterns. In addition, court records, probation and parole files, and other municipal records such as utilities, may prove valuable. Records of businesses, such as the telephone, electric and water companies, may also be helpful. Surveillance and stakeouts are important components of kidnap-for-ransom investigations. These activities may require various forms of electronic surveillance, including wiretapping, eavesdropping, automobile locator systems, videotaping and photography. Such efforts may require assistance from other agencies. The investigator should be familiar, not only with the use of such equipment, but also with the laws surrounding their application. The investigator must know when a court order is necessary for the use of electronic surveillance. In no case should an investigator use extralegal means to secure information. CHAPTER 7 BOMB THREAT AND EXPLOSION INVESTIGATION INTRODUCTION The use of explosives, by certain criminals and criminal organizations, has increased since the mid – 1980’s. Statistics also show that homes, vehicles and businesses were the primary targets of bombings and, in eight out of ten incidents, the motive was vandalism and revenge. Bombs are often made out common household items regularly found in the kitchen, garage or under the sink. The pipe bomb, the easiest bomb to construct, is often packed with screws and nails which act as projectiles, similar to hand grenades. These are materials that the bomber relies on, in part, to help conceal their identity. Because they are usually home-made, they are limited in their design only by the imagination of the bomber. When searching for a bomb, the investigator should simply look for anything that appears unusual. The bomb technician decides what is and is not a bomb. The bombing crime scene must be linked to the bomber and, if found intact, the bombs themselves can sometimes reveal the identity of the bomber. Bombs can be constructed to look like almost anything and can be placed or delivered in a variety of ways. The chance of locating a bomb that looks like the stereotypical bomb is almost non-existent. INVESTIGATING THE BOMB THREAT Bomb threats are delivered in a variety of ways. Most are telephoned in to the target. Occasionally, these calls are made through a third party. Sometimes, a threat is communicated through in writing or via a recording. There are two (2) general explanations as to why the bombers communicate a bomb threat: 1. The caller has definite knowledge or believes that an explosive or incendiary bomb has been or will be placed, and that he or she wants to minimize personal injury or property damage. The caller may be the person who placed the device or someone else who has become aware of such information. 2. The caller wants to create an atmosphere of anxiety and panic that will, in turn, results in disruption of normal activities at the facility where the device is supposedly placed. Whatever the reason, there will certainly be a reaction to it. However, through proper planning, the wide variety of uncontrollable reactions can be minimized. The bomb threat caller is the best source of information about a bomb. When bomb threat is called in, the following steps should be implemented: 1. Keep the caller on the line as long as possible. 2. Ask him or her to repeat the message and record every word spoken by the person. 3. Ask the caller about the location of the bomb and the time of detonation of the device. 4. Inform the caller that the building is occupied and the detonation of a bomb could kill or injure innocent people. 5. Pay particular attention to background noise such as motor running, music playing or any other noise. This may give a clue as to the location of the caller. 6. Listen closely to he voice (male or female), voice quality (calm or excited), accent and speech impediments. 7. Interview the person who received the call for the preceding information. RESPONDING TO A BOMB THREAT In response to a bomb threat, the following reminders must be strictly observed by the first responders: 1. Refrain from broadcasting while at the location. Radio transmissions might trigger the explosive device. 2. Anyone involved in the search must not touch any suspected items. Under any circumstances, if a suspicious object is located, it should not be touched or disturbed. 3. Maintain a safe distance from the explosive device. 4. Call the Explosive Ordinance Disposal Team (EODT) to handle the explosive device. SAFETY PRECAUTIONS In a raid or search situation in which explosive devices are expected to be encountered, investigations should be accompanied by an explosives expert. This person can be used to inform other police officers of what type of device is at hand and how best to proceed safely with the raid. Other precautions include the following: 1. Only one officer at a time should approach the suspected booby trap. 2. When trip wires are located, both ends of the wire should be checked. 3. Wires that appear to be electric should not be cut. 4. No containers should be opened without thorough examination. ELEMENTS OF BOMB INCIDENT PLANNING To counter bomb incidents, a physical security plan and bomb incident plan should be made. The elements of these plans are as follows: 1. Control 1) Who will be in charge of the incident? 2) Where will the control center be located? 3) How will critical decisions be made? 4) Who will man the control center? 5) What primary and alternate communication system will be employed during the incident? 2. Initiation What procedures will be followed upon receipt of a bomb threat or notice that a device has been found? 3. Evacuation If evacuation is ordered, what procedure will be followed? 4. Search 1) What will be searched? 2) What search technique will be employed? 3) Who will search? 5. Damage Control 1) What damage control measures will be taken? ) Who will take the damage control measure? 6. Detonation 1) What procedure will be followed if a bomb detonates without warning? BOMB – SEARCHING TECHNIQUES A two-person search item is recommended when looking for bombs. When the search team enters the room, they should first move to various parts of the room and stand quietly, with their eyes closed, and listen for clockwork device. Often, a clockwork device can easily be detected without the use of specialized equipment. Even if no clockwork mechanism can be detected, the search team is now aware of the background noise level within the room itself. Background noise is always disturbing during a building search. If a ticking sound is heard but cannot be located, one might become unnerved. The ticking sound might come from an unbalanced air conditioner fan, several floors away, or from a dripping sink down the hall. Sound can transfer through air conditioning ducts, along water pipes and through walls. One of the more difficult buildings to search is one that has steam of hot water heat. This type of building will constantly thump, crack, chatter and tick because of the movement of the steam of hot water through the pipes and the expansion and contraction of the pipes. The room should be divided into two virtually equal parts. An imaginary line is then drawn between two objects in the room. The first searching height will usually cover items in the room up to hip height. The searchers then position themselves on opposite sides of the room and begin searching their way around the room, working toward each other. During the search, all items resting on the floor and positioned around or on the wall area are inspected. Although many minor variations are possible in searching a room, the following are the summary of the basic searching steps: 1. Divide the area and select a search height. 2. Start from the bottom and work yourself up. 3. Start back-to-back and work toward each other. 4. Go around the walls and proceed toward the center of the room. 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Prevent Computer Crime Essay Example For Students

Prevent Computer Crime Essay Computer Crime Billions of dollars in losses have already been discovered. Billions more have gone undetected. Trillions will be stolen, most without detection, by the emerging master criminal of the twenty-first centurythe computer crime offender. Worst of all, anyone who is computer literate can become a computer criminal. He or she is everyman, everywoman, or even everychild. The crime itself will often be virtual in naturesometimes recorded, more often notoccurring only on the Internet, with the only record being electronic impulses. Before discussing Internet crimes, we can expect to see in the years ahead, lets look at the good news: The most-dreaded types of offensescrimes such as murder, rape, assault, robbery, burglary, and vehicle theftwill be brought under control in the years ahead by a combination of technology and proactive community policing. Creation of the cashless society, for example, will eliminate most of the rewards for robbers and muggers, while computer-contro lled smart houses and cars will thwart burglars and auto thieves. Implanted bodily function monitors and chemical drips (such as sober-up drugs and synthesized hormones) will keep most of the sexually and physically violent offenders under control. But computer criminalsranging in age from preteen to senior citizenwill have ample opportunities to violate citizens rights for fun and profit, and stopping them will require much more effort. Currently, we have only primitive knowledge about these lawbreakers: Typically, they are seen only as nuisances or even admired as innovators or computer whizzes. But increasingly, the hacker is being replaced by the menacing crackeran individual or member of a group intent on using the Internet for illegal profit or terrorism. Access to the Internet has begun to expand geometrically, and technology is making the Internet even more friendly and affordable for millions of users. But foolproof protective systems can probably never be developed, althou gh some high-tech entrepreneurs are certainly trying. Even if a totally secure system could ever be developed, it would likely disrupt the free flow of informationan unacceptable intrusion to most users. In fact, it is the ease of access that is driving this rapidly expanding field of crime. What are the major computer crimes being committed, how, and by whom? More importantly, where is computer crime headed in the twenty-first century? Lets look at five crime categories: communications, government, business, stalking, and virtual crimes. COMMUNICATIONS CRIMES Already, cellular theft and phone fraud have become major crimes. Low-tech thieves in airports and bus terminals use binoculars to steal calling-card access numbers as unsuspecting callers punch in their phone codes. Other thieves park vans beside busy interstate highways and use equipment obtained from shopping mall electronics stores to steal cellular phone access codes from the air. Within moments of these thefts, internati onal calls are being made with the stolen numbers in what is becoming a multibillion-dollar-a-year criminal industry. Phone company employees, meanwhile, are also stealing and selling calling card numbers, resulting in more hundreds of millions of dollars in unauthorized calls. In 1994, an MCI engineer was charged with selling 60,000 calling card numbers for $3 to $5 each, resulting in more than $50 million in illegal long-distance charges. In another case, when a phone company tried to institute a call-forwarding program, crackers quickly defrauded the system of more money than the company stood to make in legal profits. In the future, the opportunities for hacking and cracking will escalate, with telephones, computers, faxes, and televisions interconnected to provide instantaneous audiovisual communication and transmission of materials among individuals. The wide appeal of new multimedia communication systems will likely create such a huge volume of subscribers that the price will plummet and make access by all possible. But if billions of dollars of losses are to thieves, compounded by billions more required to repair damages created by system terrorists, the cost might become prohibitive to all but the wealthy. COMPUTER CRIMES AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT In 1995, the U.S. Internal Revenue Service instituted stringent new regulations on electronic tax filing and returns. This move was to stop a rash of fraud that cost taxpayers millions in 1994: Returns that were processed quickly via this method turned out to be for tens of thousands of fictitious corporations and individuals. Similarly, in an attempt to stop food-stamp fraud, the government issued electronic debit cards to a trial population and plans to go nationwide with the system later in the decade. However, reports show that many recipients are selling their benefits for cash50 to 60 on a dollarto brokers who then receive full payment. Cyberpunks regularly break into government computer systems, usually out of curiosity and for the thrill of the challenge. They often intercept classified data and sometimes even interrupt and change systems. One U.S. Justice Department official reported that military computers are the most vulnerable, even less secure than university computers. This official noted that, during Operation Desert Storm, hackers were able to track both actual and planned troop movements. James V. Christy II, director of an Air Force unit of computer-crime investigators, set up a team of hackers to test the security of military computer systems. He reported that the hackers broke into Pentagon systems within 15 seconds and went on to break into over 200 Air Force systems with no one reporting or even recognizing the break-ins. Ironically, computer hackers often beat the system using the very technology intended to stop them. For example, federal law-enforcement agencies use an Escrowed Encryption Standard to protect classified information and a chip-specific key to decry pt the system. Experienced hackers can easily discover the key and use it to obtain passwords, gaining full access to encrypted systems. Newer, more-secure encryption systems for protecting government and international business transactions require storing the keys in escrow with a specific government agencyusually the U.S. Treasury Department. Hackers find this security solution unacceptable because it slows the free flow of information and puts almost all sensitive and important data in the hands of government officials. This is seen by many as being dangerous to individual freedoms and a major step in the direction of creating a class structure based on the information rich and information poor.. As more government data is stored in computers, protection will become both more vital and more difficult. When the livelihood of an individual depends on data in government computers, the temptation to adjust that record to increase benefits and reduce charges will be great. Many will t ry to do the adjusting themselves; others will be willing customers for a burgeoning black market of professional crackers. For those who have little need for government benefits but would like to eliminate their tax liability, a highly destructive method would be to plant a computer virus in government computers to destroy large numbers of records. In this way, suspicion would not fall on an individual. TARGETING BUSINESS Today, most banking is done by electronic impulse, surpassing checks and cash by a wide margin. In the near future, nearly all business transactions will be electronic. Thus, access to business computers equals access to money. Recently, computer hacker John Lee, a founder of the infamous Masters of Deception hacker group, discussed his 10-year career, which began when he was 12 years old and included a one-year prison term in his late teens. Without admitting to any wrongdoing, Lee said that he could commit a crime with five keystrokes on the computer. He could: (1) change credit records and bank balances; (2) get free limousines, airplane flights, hotel rooms, and meals without anyone being billed; (3) change utility and rent rates; (4) distribute computer software programs free to all on the Internet; and (5) easily obtain insider trading information. Though prison was no fun, Lee admitted that he would certainly be tempted to do it all again. In a groundbreaking study published in Criminal Justice Review in the spring of 1994, Jerome E. Jackson of the California State University at Fresno reported the results of a study of a new group of criminals he called fraud masters. These professional thieves obtain credit cards via fake applications, or by electronic theft, and pass them around among their peers internationally for profit. These young men and women want the good life after growing up in poverty. They are proud of their skills of deception and arrogant enough to feel they wont be caught. None of those in the five-year case study we re caught. As seen in the $50-million-plus losses in the MCI case, a far greater threat to businesses than hackers are disgruntled and financially struggling employees. As internal theft from retail stores has always been many times greater in volume than theft from shoplifters, robbers, and burglars, theft by employees armed with inside information and computer access is and will continue to be a much larger problem than intrusion by hackers, crackers, and terrorists combined. By the turn of the century, 80% of Americans will process information as a major part of their employment, according to a United Way study. In addition, the future portends new and brighter for-profit invasion of business computers. As one Justice Department official says, This technology in the hands of children today is technology that adults dont understand. The first generation of computer-literate citizens will reach adulthood shortly after the turn of the century and will surely open a new age in the an nals of crime and crime fighting. COMPUTER-STALKING One frightening type of computer criminal emerging rapidly is the cyberstalker. Possibly the most disturbing of these criminals is the pedophile that surfs computer bulletin boards, filled with bright young boys and girls, in search of victims. He develops a relationship and then seeks to meet the child in person to pursue his sexual intentions. Already recognized as a serious problem, cyberstalking has spawned the cybercop a police officer assigned to computer bulletin boards in search of these pedophiles. Once a suspect is spotted, the cybercop plays the role of a naive youngster and makes himself or herself available for a meeting with the suspect in hopes of gaining evidence for an arrest. Also on the network, in search of pedophiles, are computer pornography sellers who offer magazine-quality color photographs of young boys and girls in a variety of sexually suggestive or actual sexual acts. Such a ring was broken up in 1994 a nd was found to have clients in several countries, with the pictures themselves transmitted from Denmark. Another type of stalker expected to be seen more in the future is the emotionally disturbed loner, seeking attention and companionship through the Internet, and who often becomes obsessed with a bulletin board friend. If this person obtains personal information about the acquaintance, he or she sometimes seeks a close, often smothering relationship. If spurned, the stalker launches a campaign of harassment, moving into real-space harassment if adequate information is obtained. Vengeance can take many forms, from ruining credit records and charging multiple purchases to the victim to creating criminal records and sending letters to employers informing them of the shady background of the victim. In the twenty-first century, with access to the Internet available to all and information from data banks networked into dossiers reserved for official use only (but easily accessible to h ackers and crackers), stalking will not only increase but be facilitated by a new generation of portable computers. Organic nanocomputers may one day be implanted in the human brain, making possible a new crime: mindstalking. Unauthorized intrusion and seduction will reach directly into the victims brain, making the stalker harder to evade and even more difficult to escape. VIRTUAL CRIMES Stock and bond fraud is already appearing on the Internetstocks and bonds that appear on the markets, are actively traded for a short time, and then disappear. The stocks and bonds are nonexistent; only the electronic impulses are real. In a recent case, a trader was paid $9 million in commissions for what appeared to be some $100 million in sales of bonds. But investigators now feel that these bonds may never have changed hands at all, except over the Internet. In the future, a virtual-reality expert could create a hologram in the form of a respected stockbroker or real estate broker, then advise clients on the Internet to buy certain stocks, bonds, or real estate. Unsuspecting victims acting on the advice might later find that they had enlarged the coffers of the virtual-reality expert, while buying worthless or nonexistent properties. This is just the tip of the iceberg in what might be tagged as virtual crimeoffenses based on a reality that only exists over the computer. As virtual reality becomes increasingly sophisticated, it is the young adults in the first decade of the twenty-first century whohaving grown up with virtual realitywill create the software and determine the legal and criminal uses of this technology. And with virtual reality potentially reaching directly into the brains of recipients via organic computers, the ability to separate reality from the truth outside, will be one of the greatest challenges of the twenty-first century. TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY EXPECTATIONS The outlook for curtailing computer crime by technology or conventional law-enforcement method s is bleak. Most agencies do not have the personnel or the skills to cope with such offenses, and to date all high-tech approaches have been met by almost immediate turnabouts by hackers or crackers. As individuals see and talk to each other over computers in the next few years, and as nanotechnology makes computers even more portable, new technology will emerge to protect data. But simplifying systems to make them more universally acceptable and accessible will also make them more vulnerable to intruders. Control of access by optical patterns, DNA identification, voice spectrographs, encryption, and other methods may slow down hackers, but no method is foolproof or presents much of a challenge to todays most-talented hackers. The trouble is that in the future many more users will have skills far beyond those of todays crackersa process one expert termed the democratization of computer crime.. Still, there is much to be gained by easy access to the Internet. The cyberpunk imperative s, a code subscribed to many hackers, include: (1) information should be free so that the most capable can make the most of it; (2) the world will be better off if entrepreneurs can obtain any data necessary to provide needed or desired new products and services; and (3) decentralization of information protects us all from Big Brother.. Computer crime probably cannot be controlled by conventional methods. Technology is on the side of the offender and motivation is highits fun, exciting, challenging, and profitable. The only real help is one that has not proven very successful in recent decades: conscience and personal values, the belief that theft, deception, and invasion of privacy are simply unacceptable. Behavioral psychologists argue that all values are learned by a system of rewards and, to a lesser extent, punishment. Thus, if these values are necessary for survival, children should consciously be conditioned to live by them. If all citizensall computer userswere taught these values and sought to live by them, the Internet could become the wondrous and friendly place its creators have envisioned. Ironically, the greatest possible allies to be found in this search for values are the adolescent hackers of the 1980s, many of whom are the software programmers of the 1990s. In his book, Secrets of a Super-Hacker, a hacker named Knightmare says that true hackers love to break into systems and leave proof of their skills, but do not hurt individuals by stealing tangible goods or money, or destroying files or systems. Hacker ethics, Knightmare writes, include informing computer managers about problems with their security and offering to teach and share knowledge about computer security when asked. Increasingly, government and business computer managers are asking. Many of the Fortune 500 companies and numerous government agencies have hired hackers to test their systems and even design new security protocols for them. Thus, hackers are helping to protect the inf ormation superhighway from crackers and terrorists. As one hacker says, Hackers love computers and they want the Net safe. In conclusion, computer crime is major part of our technological society and should be dealt with similarly to real crimes. In the electronic world, it is harder to find the criminal and track him/her down. In the end, all advantages, such as using a computer, come with their disadvantages, computer crime in its worst form. Bibliography Works Cited Caryl, Christian. Reach out and rob someone. Russian V. Levin robs Citibank. U.S. News World Report April 1997: 58 Chidley, Joe. Cracking the Net. Macleans May 1995: 54-56. Gill, Mark Stuart. Cybercops take a byte out of computer crime. Smithsonian May 1997: 114-116. Roush, Wade. Hackers taking a byte out of computer crime. Technology Review April 1995: 32-40 Sussman, Vic S. Policing cyberspace. U.S. News World Report Jan 1995: 54-60 Witkin, Gordon. Wanted, in cyberspace. U.S. News World Report March 1994: 71 Word Count: 2719 None Provided2 Analysis Essay

Prevent Computer Crime Essay Example For Students

Prevent Computer Crime Essay Computer Crime Billions of dollars in losses have already been discovered. Billions more have gone undetected. Trillions will be stolen, most without detection, by the emerging master criminal of the twenty-first centurythe computer crime offender. Worst of all, anyone who is computer literate can become a computer criminal. He or she is everyman, everywoman, or even everychild. The crime itself will often be virtual in naturesometimes recorded, more often notoccurring only on the Internet, with the only record being electronic impulses. Before discussing Internet crimes, we can expect to see in the years ahead, lets look at the good news: The most-dreaded types of offensescrimes such as murder, rape, assault, robbery, burglary, and vehicle theftwill be brought under control in the years ahead by a combination of technology and proactive community policing. Creation of the cashless society, for example, will eliminate most of the rewards for robbers and muggers, while computer-contro lled smart houses and cars will thwart burglars and auto thieves. Implanted bodily function monitors and chemical drips (such as sober-up drugs and synthesized hormones) will keep most of the sexually and physically violent offenders under control. But computer criminalsranging in age from preteen to senior citizenwill have ample opportunities to violate citizens rights for fun and profit, and stopping them will require much more effort. Currently, we have only primitive knowledge about these lawbreakers: Typically, they are seen only as nuisances or even admired as innovators or computer whizzes. But increasingly, the hacker is being replaced by the menacing crackeran individual or member of a group intent on using the Internet for illegal profit or terrorism. Access to the Internet has begun to expand geometrically, and technology is making the Internet even more friendly and affordable for millions of users. But foolproof protective systems can probably never be developed, althou gh some high-tech entrepreneurs are certainly trying. Even if a totally secure system could ever be developed, it would likely disrupt the free flow of informationan unacceptable intrusion to most users. In fact, it is the ease of access that is driving this rapidly expanding field of crime. What are the major computer crimes being committed, how, and by whom? More importantly, where is computer crime headed in the twenty-first century? Lets look at five crime categories: communications, government, business, stalking, and virtual crimes. COMMUNICATIONS CRIMES Already, cellular theft and phone fraud have become major crimes. Low-tech thieves in airports and bus terminals use binoculars to steal calling-card access numbers as unsuspecting callers punch in their phone codes. Other thieves park vans beside busy interstate highways and use equipment obtained from shopping mall electronics stores to steal cellular phone access codes from the air. Within moments of these thefts, internati onal calls are being made with the stolen numbers in what is becoming a multibillion-dollar-a-year criminal industry. Phone company employees, meanwhile, are also stealing and selling calling card numbers, resulting in more hundreds of millions of dollars in unauthorized calls. In 1994, an MCI engineer was charged with selling 60,000 calling card numbers for $3 to $5 each, resulting in more than $50 million in illegal long-distance charges. In another case, when a phone company tried to institute a call-forwarding program, crackers quickly defrauded the system of more money than the company stood to make in legal profits. In the future, the opportunities for hacking and cracking will escalate, with telephones, computers, faxes, and televisions interconnected to provide instantaneous audiovisual communication and transmission of materials among individuals. The wide appeal of new multimedia communication systems will likely create such a huge volume of subscribers that the price will plummet and make access by all possible. But if billions of dollars of losses are to thieves, compounded by billions more required to repair damages created by system terrorists, the cost might become prohibitive to all but the wealthy. COMPUTER CRIMES AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT In 1995, the U.S. Internal Revenue Service instituted stringent new regulations on electronic tax filing and returns. This move was to stop a rash of fraud that cost taxpayers millions in 1994: Returns that were processed quickly via this method turned out to be for tens of thousands of fictitious corporations and individuals. Similarly, in an attempt to stop food-stamp fraud, the government issued electronic debit cards to a trial population and plans to go nationwide with the system later in the decade. However, reports show that many recipients are selling their benefits for cash50 to 60 on a dollarto brokers who then receive full payment. Cyberpunks regularly break into government computer systems, usually out of curiosity and for the thrill of the challenge. They often intercept classified data and sometimes even interrupt and change systems. One U.S. Justice Department official reported that military computers are the most vulnerable, even less secure than university computers. This official noted that, during Operation Desert Storm, hackers were able to track both actual and planned troop movements. James V. Christy II, director of an Air Force unit of computer-crime investigators, set up a team of hackers to test the security of military computer systems. He reported that the hackers broke into Pentagon systems within 15 seconds and went on to break into over 200 Air Force systems with no one reporting or even recognizing the break-ins. Ironically, computer hackers often beat the system using the very technology intended to stop them. For example, federal law-enforcement agencies use an Escrowed Encryption Standard to protect classified information and a chip-specific key to decry pt the system. Experienced hackers can easily discover the key and use it to obtain passwords, gaining full access to encrypted systems. Newer, more-secure encryption systems for protecting government and international business transactions require storing the keys in escrow with a specific government agencyusually the U.S. Treasury Department. Hackers find this security solution unacceptable because it slows the free flow of information and puts almost all sensitive and important data in the hands of government officials. This is seen by many as being dangerous to individual freedoms and a major step in the direction of creating a class structure based on the information rich and information poor.. As more government data is stored in computers, protection will become both more vital and more difficult. When the livelihood of an individual depends on data in government computers, the temptation to adjust that record to increase benefits and reduce charges will be great. Many will t ry to do the adjusting themselves; others will be willing customers for a burgeoning black market of professional crackers. For those who have little need for government benefits but would like to eliminate their tax liability, a highly destructive method would be to plant a computer virus in government computers to destroy large numbers of records. In this way, suspicion would not fall on an individual. TARGETING BUSINESS Today, most banking is done by electronic impulse, surpassing checks and cash by a wide margin. In the near future, nearly all business transactions will be electronic. Thus, access to business computers equals access to money. Recently, computer hacker John Lee, a founder of the infamous Masters of Deception hacker group, discussed his 10-year career, which began when he was 12 years old and included a one-year prison term in his late teens. Without admitting to any wrongdoing, Lee said that he could commit a crime with five keystrokes on the computer. He could: (1) change credit records and bank balances; (2) get free limousines, airplane flights, hotel rooms, and meals without anyone being billed; (3) change utility and rent rates; (4) distribute computer software programs free to all on the Internet; and (5) easily obtain insider trading information. Though prison was no fun, Lee admitted that he would certainly be tempted to do it all again. In a groundbreaking study published in Criminal Justice Review in the spring of 1994, Jerome E. Jackson of the California State University at Fresno reported the results of a study of a new group of criminals he called fraud masters. These professional thieves obtain credit cards via fake applications, or by electronic theft, and pass them around among their peers internationally for profit. These young men and women want the good life after growing up in poverty. They are proud of their skills of deception and arrogant enough to feel they wont be caught. None of those in the five-year case study we re caught. As seen in the $50-million-plus losses in the MCI case, a far greater threat to businesses than hackers are disgruntled and financially struggling employees. As internal theft from retail stores has always been many times greater in volume than theft from shoplifters, robbers, and burglars, theft by employees armed with inside information and computer access is and will continue to be a much larger problem than intrusion by hackers, crackers, and terrorists combined. By the turn of the century, 80% of Americans will process information as a major part of their employment, according to a United Way study. In addition, the future portends new and brighter for-profit invasion of business computers. As one Justice Department official says, This technology in the hands of children today is technology that adults dont understand. The first generation of computer-literate citizens will reach adulthood shortly after the turn of the century and will surely open a new age in the an nals of crime and crime fighting. COMPUTER-STALKING One frightening type of computer criminal emerging rapidly is the cyberstalker. Possibly the most disturbing of these criminals is the pedophile that surfs computer bulletin boards, filled with bright young boys and girls, in search of victims. He develops a relationship and then seeks to meet the child in person to pursue his sexual intentions. Already recognized as a serious problem, cyberstalking has spawned the cybercop a police officer assigned to computer bulletin boards in search of these pedophiles. Once a suspect is spotted, the cybercop plays the role of a naive youngster and makes himself or herself available for a meeting with the suspect in hopes of gaining evidence for an arrest. Also on the network, in search of pedophiles, are computer pornography sellers who offer magazine-quality color photographs of young boys and girls in a variety of sexually suggestive or actual sexual acts. Such a ring was broken up in 1994 a nd was found to have clients in several countries, with the pictures themselves transmitted from Denmark. Another type of stalker expected to be seen more in the future is the emotionally disturbed loner, seeking attention and companionship through the Internet, and who often becomes obsessed with a bulletin board friend. If this person obtains personal information about the acquaintance, he or she sometimes seeks a close, often smothering relationship. If spurned, the stalker launches a campaign of harassment, moving into real-space harassment if adequate information is obtained. Vengeance can take many forms, from ruining credit records and charging multiple purchases to the victim to creating criminal records and sending letters to employers informing them of the shady background of the victim. In the twenty-first century, with access to the Internet available to all and information from data banks networked into dossiers reserved for official use only (but easily accessible to h ackers and crackers), stalking will not only increase but be facilitated by a new generation of portable computers. Organic nanocomputers may one day be implanted in the human brain, making possible a new crime: mindstalking. Unauthorized intrusion and seduction will reach directly into the victims brain, making the stalker harder to evade and even more difficult to escape. VIRTUAL CRIMES Stock and bond fraud is already appearing on the Internetstocks and bonds that appear on the markets, are actively traded for a short time, and then disappear. The stocks and bonds are nonexistent; only the electronic impulses are real. In a recent case, a trader was paid $9 million in commissions for what appeared to be some $100 million in sales of bonds. But investigators now feel that these bonds may never have changed hands at all, except over the Internet. In the future, a virtual-reality expert could create a hologram in the form of a respected stockbroker or real estate broker, then advise clients on the Internet to buy certain stocks, bonds, or real estate. Unsuspecting victims acting on the advice might later find that they had enlarged the coffers of the virtual-reality expert, while buying worthless or nonexistent properties. This is just the tip of the iceberg in what might be tagged as virtual crimeoffenses based on a reality that only exists over the computer. As virtual reality becomes increasingly sophisticated, it is the young adults in the first decade of the twenty-first century whohaving grown up with virtual realitywill create the software and determine the legal and criminal uses of this technology. And with virtual reality potentially reaching directly into the brains of recipients via organic computers, the ability to separate reality from the truth outside, will be one of the greatest challenges of the twenty-first century. TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY EXPECTATIONS The outlook for curtailing computer crime by technology or conventional law-enforcement method s is bleak. Most agencies do not have the personnel or the skills to cope with such offenses, and to date all high-tech approaches have been met by almost immediate turnabouts by hackers or crackers. As individuals see and talk to each other over computers in the next few years, and as nanotechnology makes computers even more portable, new technology will emerge to protect data. But simplifying systems to make them more universally acceptable and accessible will also make them more vulnerable to intruders. Control of access by optical patterns, DNA identification, voice spectrographs, encryption, and other methods may slow down hackers, but no method is foolproof or presents much of a challenge to todays most-talented hackers. The trouble is that in the future many more users will have skills far beyond those of todays crackersa process one expert termed the democratization of computer crime.. Still, there is much to be gained by easy access to the Internet. The cyberpunk imperative s, a code subscribed to many hackers, include: (1) information should be free so that the most capable can make the most of it; (2) the world will be better off if entrepreneurs can obtain any data necessary to provide needed or desired new products and services; and (3) decentralization of information protects us all from Big Brother.. Computer crime probably cannot be controlled by conventional methods. Technology is on the side of the offender and motivation is highits fun, exciting, challenging, and profitable. The only real help is one that has not proven very successful in recent decades: conscience and personal values, the belief that theft, deception, and invasion of privacy are simply unacceptable. Behavioral psychologists argue that all values are learned by a system of rewards and, to a lesser extent, punishment. Thus, if these values are necessary for survival, children should consciously be conditioned to live by them. If all citizensall computer userswere taught these values and sought to live by them, the Internet could become the wondrous and friendly place its creators have envisioned. Ironically, the greatest possible allies to be found in this search for values are the adolescent hackers of the 1980s, many of whom are the software programmers of the 1990s. In his book, Secrets of a Super-Hacker, a hacker named Knightmare says that true hackers love to break into systems and leave proof of their skills, but do not hurt individuals by stealing tangible goods or money, or destroying files or systems. Hacker ethics, Knightmare writes, include informing computer managers about problems with their security and offering to teach and share knowledge about computer security when asked. Increasingly, government and business computer managers are asking. Many of the Fortune 500 companies and numerous government agencies have hired hackers to test their systems and even design new security protocols for them. Thus, hackers are helping to protect the inf ormation superhighway from crackers and terrorists. As one hacker says, Hackers love computers and they want the Net safe. In conclusion, computer crime is major part of our technological society and should be dealt with similarly to real crimes. In the electronic world, it is harder to find the criminal and track him/her down. In the end, all advantages, such as using a computer, come with their disadvantages, computer crime in its worst form. Bibliography Works Cited Caryl, Christian. Reach out and rob someone. Russian V. Levin robs Citibank. U.S. News World Report April 1997: 58 Chidley, Joe. Cracking the Net. Macleans May 1995: 54-56. Gill, Mark Stuart. Cybercops take a byte out of computer crime. Smithsonian May 1997: 114-116. Roush, Wade. Hackers taking a byte out of computer crime. Technology Review April 1995: 32-40 Sussman, Vic S. Policing cyberspace. U.S. News World Report Jan 1995: 54-60 Witkin, Gordon. Wanted, in cyberspace. U.S. News World Report March 1994: 71 Word Count: 2719 None Provided2 Analysis Essay