Monday, August 24, 2020

Portrayal of African-Americans on Television free essay sample

This paper centers around the treatment of African-Americans in TV programs crossing decades. This paper centers around the treatment of African-Americans in TV programs spreading over decades. Explicit shows are examined (for example All In The Family, Sanford Son). Ends are drawn by the creator dependent on his/her exploration in regards to patterns of treatment of African-Americans in broad communications. There is no doubt that media is an incredible power in the entirety of our lives. Regardless of whether we understand it or not the media is a significant factor in trim a portion of our first assessments as youngsters. That is the reason it is significant for TV to speak to all minorities. TV has not truly worked superbly of this. Notwithstanding, it has improved definitely from how things were during the 1950s. It is additionally significant that different races are depicted precisely. In the event that they are depicted in cliché ways, that will be the view that kids have before they are mature enough to settle on their own choices. We will compose a custom paper test on Depiction of African-Americans on Television or on the other hand any comparable subject explicitly for you Don't WasteYour Time Recruit WRITER Just 13.90/page We have to instruct our youngsters about different races so as to experience a daily reality such that regards all races.

Saturday, August 22, 2020

Comparison between FAIR and AIM

Reasonableness and Accuracy In Reporting (FAIR) and Accuracy In Media (AIM), are two of the most dynamic media watch gatherings, who looks to impact and energize individuals from the media to convey reasonable and target data to the individuals, without infusing inclinations and genuine beliefs. Reasonable sees themselves as a national media watch bunch who â€Å"offers very much recorded analysis of journalistic prejudice and censorship† since the time they began with the reason in 1986 (F.A.I.R., 2007). Then again, AIM considers themselves to be a grassroots citizens’ guard dog, which â€Å"critiques messed up and screwed up reports and puts any misinformation to rest on significant issues that have gotten inclined coverage† (A.I.M., 2007). Basically, they are both against the falsehood that the media at times convey to the individuals as a result of individual reasons, similar to predispositions, conclusions and that's only the tip of the iceberg. Be that as it may, investigating this two appropriately, the inquiry would then be on who can persuade more individuals with respect to the inclined news and data of certain media specialists and organizations. Looking carefully on FAIR’s qualities, they state that they look for both the assessment of the columnists and the activists. They present the side of the writer, at whatever point they have introduced somewhat of a one-sided article or data. They allow the columnist to safeguard themselves and have the option to clarify further why they have depended on composing such article. They additionally present the side of the activists and the pundits who sees the mix-ups and the focuses where the writers left line. This is to give a state of contention to the individuals, who typically wouldn’t understand that they are accepting one-sided critiques from the individuals they would regularly think to convey a fair-minded report of the realities. Along these lines, FAIR keeps the line open between the writers and the activists. Through them, they can keep a consistent discourse with the goal that they might work things out for them. This at that point leaves an opportunity to get better for the writers, particularly on the off chance that they consider what the activists state. With the assistance from FAIR, they would know whether what they are doing is correct or wrong. Through consistent correspondence, they can hone their faculties to realize honest, fair-minded snippets of data for general society. Another attribute of FAIR is that they are urging the individuals to request the individual dependable to alter their way of living, state, the media who gave one-sided data to general society. They are having a section where they propose a potential answer for an issue and afterward request that the individuals demonstration so as to tackle that issue by following what they have recommended. A model would request that they call the individual include by giving that person’s contact number. They would urge the individuals to ask for a clarification for what good reason that media expert made such a one-sided remark with respect to a specific theme. Point then again, sees that the media needs a guard dog, which is the reason they exist. They said that the news media don’t appear to consistently give out the correct data, wherein they could be deceiving the individuals or giving out one-sided data shadowed by their sincere beliefs. Be that as it may, taking a gander at AIM’s works, they are more on the political assessments of the media. They are more into investigating that these individuals ought not mirror their political faith in what they are composing. This has become a distinctive trademark, since the vast majority of their conversations are on whether a few media faculty are for the vote based or the liberal side. Notwithstanding that, they tackle on certain distributions that they see to â€Å"stir people’s minds† with what they distribute. They state that these distributions exist to convey straight, hard hitting realities and data, and not to advance a specific conviction or side they speak to or support. In looking at the viability of both FAIR and AIM, it very well may be seen that them two are getting criticisms from individuals, saying that what they are doing are truly assisting in conveying the fitting, fair-minded data. This implies them two demonstrate that they are successful. Be that as it may, contrasting them FAIR is capable with discuss more with the individuals concerning an inappropriate doings of the media. This is a direct result of the wide scope of subjects and data that FAIR gives and they are not as much as shadowed by the political remain of the media, when contrasted with that of AIM. In an article in the New York Times last July 3, 2007, essayist Sheryl Stolberg has fairly imbued her contemplations in what she has composed. The article was about President Bush choosing to drive the sentence of I. Lewis Libby Jr. who has perpetrated a wrongdoing by deceiving the FBI with respect to an Iraq war issue (Stolberg, 2007). With Stolberg saying that the President appear to locate the 30-month detainment for Libby as unforgiving, and that the case was a trial of will, she was unmistakably identifying with what President Bush is feeling, regardless of whether what she said was verifiable or not. She referenced that President Bush had to give the choice, an announcement unmistakably inferring of her, infusing her own feelings. This article was taken by certain media watch bunch contrarily, saying that Sheryl Stolberg was abusing the media morals of conveying an honest, impartial news and data to the individuals. What she did was a demonstration of giving her inclinations, which she was siding and identifying with President Bush. As a media specialist, doing as such decreases her validity to give honest, untainted data to the individuals. End Popular government incorporates the people’s opportunity to openly express their real thoughts, the opportunity to voice out their conclusions at whatever point they need. Be that as it may, popular governments opportunities additionally have constraints. This is pertinent to media, where so as to get a genuine handle of a story, the media specialist, columnists or journalists ought to have the option to give the fair essence of the story. So as to do as such, they should put aside their own conclusions and interests so as to give the proper data to the individuals. The media’s job in vote based system is the opportunity surprisingly to get to data. This data must be untainted with the media people’s suppositions or predispositions, all together not to misdirect the beneficiary of these snippets of data, which are the majority. References: A.I.M. (2007). What is Accuracy In Media(AIM)?  Retrieved July 4, 2007, from http://www.aim.org/static/19_0_7_0_C F.A.I.R. (2007). Media Views.â â Retrieved July 4, 2007, from http://www.fair.org/index.php?page=11 Stolberg, S. G. (2007, July 3, 2007). For President, Libby Case Was a Test of Will The New York Times.  Â

Saturday, July 18, 2020

Literature and History in Satrapis Persepolis

Literature and History in Satrapi's Persepolis The Relations Between Literature and History in Satrapis Persepolis Oct 30, 2018 in Literature Persepolis by Satrapi: Meaning of War in Young Years Persepolis is a graphic novel by Iranian novelist Marjane Satrapi. This novel is written in French language and is autobiographical. Persepolis described the childhood and early years of the author, which were held at the time of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. The title of the novel, Persepolis, is the name of the antique capital of the Persian Empire. This novel is counted in the ranks of the best fiction books. The comics were drawn in white and black, were translated in many languages, and became very popular. Marjane Satrapi in the novel Persepolis described her life during the war between Iraq and Iran. At that moment, she was a child and her childhood Satrapi spent in that war. In Persepolis 2, she depicted her school years in Austria and Vienna, her returning to Iran, study in collage, marriage, divorce, and moving to France. But it is not only a description of her biography, it is a Bildungsroman or a novel of formation: a literary genre, which focuses on moral and psychological growth of the character from childhood to adulthood, and in which protagonist change is very important.

Thursday, May 21, 2020

The Old Style Of Medicine - 3112 Words

Introduction Classical medicine operates in a climate of rational discourse, scientific knowledge accretion and the acceptance of ethical standards that regulate its activities. Criticism has centered on the excessive technological emphasis of modern medicine and on its social strategy aimed at defending exclusiveness and the privileges of professional status. Alternative therapeutic approaches have taken advantage of the eroded public image of medicine, offering treatments based on holistic philosophies that stress the non-rational, non-technical and non-scientific approach to the unwell, disregarding traditional diagnostic categories and concentrating on enhancing subjective comfort and well-being, but remaining oblivious to the†¦show more content†¦Hypertension has been on the increase among many individuals, and there is therefore need for al medics to take precautions, especially ensuring patient education on means to prevent such health problems. In most cases, diagnosed infections can betrayed at their early stages, which is not the same case as in traditional medicine. Stress levels, as well as unsettled environments, and dietary issues are the most common causes of hypertension. However, consultation with medical professionals is important to be able to know the root cause of the problem, and find ways to avert its future damage to our health. Hypertension which is my main focus in this paper has become a worldwide problem especially due to its increased causes of mortality and disability. Most patients have given up concerning their problem and have resulted into consulting traditional medicine for their cue. However, this has also been caused by limitations and concerns with current available treatments for hypertension. Chinese medicine has also been greatly embraced and most of the current methods used in treatment of hypertension have been derived from principles in Chinese medicine. It appears that traditional medicine is working in solving hypertension issues, especially evidenced by the progress made by patients. This worldwide problem needs

Wednesday, May 6, 2020

Gothic vs. Romanesque Architecture Essay - 2191 Words

Gothic vs. Romanesque Architecture Missing Figures Where are you when you wake up? Where are you when you are learning? Where are you when you go to pray? Where are you when you go to work? Where are you when you are having fun? The answer is that you are in a building or structure of some kind and style. All of the buildings and structures that one sees around them is designed and built with much thought and care. They are all designed and built by what we call architecture. According to Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary architecture is â€Å"the art or science of building; specifically: the art or practice of designing and building structures and especially habitable ones, a method or style of building†. Architecture is a†¦show more content†¦It was finally time that architecture now mastering the interior of buildings and structures. The first two periods of time that this shift was made was the Romanesque style and the Gothic style of architecture. Both of these styles have made great contributions that can still been seen in today’s architecture. With Romanesque being the first stylistic period in time with Gothic immediately following it there is much to be said about the similarities and differences. The Romanesque period of architecture has its roots deep into western civilization. Even though it is said that the Romanesque style of architecture was first since and applied around 1000 AD its history goes back almost 500 years. During the rule of the Roman Empire much of Europe was influenced by the Roman and Greek classical styles, it wasn’t until the Roman Empire fell that most of Europe was able to diverge from traditional styles and form their own styles. It was only with time and separation that other styles were able to grow. With the Roman Empire gone Europe was breaking apart and develop ing in small pockets on it own, this caused for greater advancements in many areas such as architecture. Yet with all the growing change there was still one thing that linked much of Europe together, that was the Christian church and Christianity. That is why much of the advancements of architecture can be seen in churches, temples and other religiousShow MoreRelatedFrench And English Gothic Cathedrals1837 Words   |  8 PagesFrench and English Gothic Cathedrals Gothic Europe was a time of change in many aspects of life. Aside from the change in art and architecture, philosophical and religious revolutions were occurring. The social transformations fueled the fire behind the changes in art and architecture. As we know, any time the social aspects change it flows into the artistic side of life. Additionally, new architectural technology and improvements helped to transform the architecture of the Gothic period to fit theRead MoreArt History7818 Words   |  32 Pagesabout 20 years o Neolithic Period Ââ€" New Stone Age #61607; Begins around 9,000BC #61607; Neolithic Revolution • Agriculture o Allows people luxury of staying in one place; stability and performance o Cornerstone of civilization • Domestic Architecture o Wigwam, Huts, Lean-tos o Native American Indians were considered Neolithic • Refined tools o Spears, Bows and Arrows • Domesticated Animals o Hallmark of luxury, stability, and permanence • Pottery Ââ€" clay art o Bowls and containers

Hitlers Rise to Power Free Essays

A Comparative Essay on Historical Schools: The Annales and Marxist Historiography Historical Interpretation, as a term, is a skill that historians acquire to describe human events. As historians gather information regarding the past and analyze the artifacts, they are left with the task to explain their findings to the masses. For many years, profound members of society were used as primary sources for historical events. We will write a custom essay sample on Hitlers Rise to Power or any similar topic only for you Order Now But as the world turned, historians began to question the grounds of which these â€Å"facts† stood. How are the rulers and priest to be the only true source of widespread events? Such questions gave birth to schools of historical interpretation. These schools became well- known on their scrutiny of historical facts to the point where history became a specialized field with various focal points, such as linguistics, agriculture, cliometrics, culture, and many more. This essay will compare the analytical styles of the Annales and the Marxists historians. Although these schools recognize the superstructure of socioeconomic relationships, they have different approaches and motivations for their historical analyses which has changed the way history is studied. The Annales School is a group of historians who innovated historical research. They focused on properly documenting French history prior to the French Revolution. Prior to their research, french history was dominated by Marxism and was made up mostly from the vantage point of the leaders and other well known figures. The Annales vigorously opposed Marxism due to its tendency to discredit the natural causes and individualism that also play a major part in history. However, the Annales countered Marxism’s monopolizing ways by presenting their socially scientific approach. The Annales was founded by two Strasburg professors, who taught history and it was through their connection that they were able to become a school of historical interpretation. Co-founders, Lucien Febvre and Marc Bloch developed a scholarly journal that incorporated their approach and was published in 1929. This groundbreaking article was titled â€Å"Annales d’Histoire Economique et social† which was subtle in its initial push for change in historical documentation. As they began this journey as the Annales, they opted for historians to examine the state of France as it is and then deduce history rather than judge the present based on the past. Although there works are one in the same, they had different approaches that worked well together. Bloch contributed an agrarian and comparative perspective, while Febvre’s contribution was geared more toward combining history and the social sciences. In the Annales School: An Intellectual History, Andre Burguiere states â€Å"the act of placing the present in perspective by setting it against what the past can teach us does not lead to skepticism but to a spirit of tolerance and responsibility. † This tells us that the Annales felt as though history should be judged not by the â€Å"great men† alone but by the masses. And the only way to get history outside of the proverbial box is to take into consideration the ideals of all men and evaluate them along with economic and material withholding of their country. In order to fully capture an unbiased survey of history Febvre and Bloch pushed for an intercontinental journal. This would allow them to expand their practices not only by incorporating other disciplines but also understanding these events from a broader perspective. Besides their interdisciplinary approach, they also wanted to transform history into a social science. For them, this would prove to be more practical and would be made up of checkable facts and resources. By turning history into a social science, collective beliefs and customs would be taken into consideration. With these approaches, Bloch and Febvre makes up the first generation of the Annales School of Historical Interpretation but their works are still being used, updated, and adapted in current historical interpretation. Marxist historiography takes a different approach to understanding history. Spawned from Marxism’s class scale, Marxist’s historical interpretation is limited, as it works backwards from the outcome to the event. However, this form of historical interpretation is recognized for its middle and lower class historical perspective. Karl Marx is well-known for his strong support for Communism. He professed that society goes through a cycle from anarchy to socialism, with capitalism and communism being on opposite ends of the spectrum. This approach led him to analyze and judge history on these characteristics. In Marxist historiography, every historical event was a result of the socioeconomic status in which the event took place. Marxist historians are sometime ashamed of the Marxist title that they have due to Marx’s position on what we call the free world. However, Marxist historians do not hang on every idea of Marxism. A Marxist historian analyzes history with the understanding that historical events are occurrences that are determined by the working class’ level of production and the type of government in place at the time of the occurrence. In Marxist historiography, historians pay close attention to historical materialism, class struggle, government, and production. These are the viewpoints that sum up this type of historical interpretation. The historiography of Marxism many times exclude political factors because it lacks the substantial and tangible evidence that other forms of historical interpretation embrace. Karl Marx both embraced and opposed the ideas of GWF Hegel, a German philosopher, who was well known for his conflict and contradictions theories. Yet, it was because of Hegel’s philosophy that Marxism thrives. Through Marxist historiography, historical events are at the mercy of a superstructure that has a predetermined path. The work of Karl Marx and the Annales are still in practice today. Both schools of historical interpretation emphasize the social and economic impact on society as being the source for historical events. They examine the framework of society and compare the circumstances of many events to verify their theories and downplay prior trust in political narratives. As Stuart Clark states, in The Annales School: Critical Assessments, â€Å"At the centre of these issues and at the point of convergence of the Annales school and Marxist history is the theme of power. He concluded that their two distinct methods explain the plight of human events without discussing power and because of this missing link, the two schools will have more differences than similarities. Power is a common idea of both schools, however, they do not point out this fact. As there studies show, shifts of power is the driving force behind all historical events. The foundations of the perspectives of these two schools are astonishingly similar, but their differences lie in the details of their work. The Annales eventually introduced their three tiered paradigm which was â€Å"structure at the base, conjecture in the center and the event at the top. This this was then divided again by geography, social, and the individual. †(Hunt ,1986) In their use of this paradigm, they set themselves apart from Marxism because they incorporated geography and the individual in their studies, which was unique. Taking into consideration , the individual gives a personal take on the superstructure because from this vantage point the big picture can not be seen. The Annales understood that the individual has personal motivations that are not apart of the collective opinion and that the structure affects each person differently. The evidence that the Annales consider when interpreting history is more detailed than the practices of Marxist historians. Marxist historians emphasize the super and sub-structures of society and remain focused on the outcome rather than the events. Marx stated in the Communist Manifesto that â€Å"the history of all past societies has been the history of all class struggles. † This sentence sums up the motivation behind Marxist historiography. Marx wanted inform the world that details did not matter as much as the inevitable social cycle. In The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852), Marx states that history repeats itself, first as a tragedy and second, as a farce. † The Marxist historian upholds this statement to be a slogan for their studies. As they uncover new ideas regarding the â€Å"system†, they are able to interpret historical events from the outside in. Schools of historical interpretations have the duty of setting their methods apart from others and coming up with different ways to analyze history. Although each event has its facts, each school interpret the findings in interesting ways. The Annales began their journey trying to combat the Marxist historical methods and they prevailed in the way they were able to contribute to history what Marxist historiography could not cover. With each of their motivations deriving from the fallacies of political narratives, these schools have transformed historical documentation from a series of both unfortunate and fortunate events to a narrative of social and economic situations that inevitably force certain outcomes. Bibliography: . Burguiere, Andre. The Annales School: An Intellectual History, trans. Jane Marie Todd, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2009; cloth; pp. 328; 2. Long, Pamela. Annales d’histoire economique et sociale 7 (November 1935), Les techniques, I’histoire et la vie Technology and CultureVol. 46, No. 1 (Jan. , 2005), pp. 177-186 Published by: Society for the History of Technology Article Stable URL:http:/ /www. jstor. org/stable/40060803 3. Hunt, Lynn. French History in the Last Twenty Years: The Rise and Fall of the Annales Paradigm. Journal of Contemporary History. Vol. 21, No. , Twentieth Anniversary Issue (Apr. , 1986), pp. 209-224Published by: Sage Publications, Ltd. retrieved from http://www. jstor. org/stable/260364 4. Marx, K. , and F. Engels. The Communist Manifesto. New York, NY: Signet Classics, 1998. Print 5. The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. Karl Marx 1852 Course Textbooks: 1. Tosh, John. The Pursuit of History. 5th. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2010. 2. Green, Anna, and Kathleen Troup. The Houses of History: A Critical Reader in Twenthieth-century History and Theory. Washington Square, New York: New York University Press, 1999. How to cite Hitlers Rise to Power, Essay examples

Sunday, April 26, 2020

To what extent did Russia undergo economic and political reform in the years 1906-14 free essay sample

To what extent did Russia undergo economic and political reform in the years 1906-14? After the 1905 revolution Russia was in need of reforms both economically and politically, to allow it maintain its role of a great power and to prevent another revolution occurring the answer to this was the October Manifesto. However, due to the stubbornness of the Tsar who was determined not to relinquish his autocratic powers, what may have appeared as reforms were largely superficial making little change in particular to the Russian political system. In early 1906 the October Manifesto was published as a result of the 1905 revolution and as a way to appease the peasants and appear as a revolutionary change, when truly very little was changed by this. Political activity was now legal so political parties now no longer needed to remain secrets; freedom of speech was also introduced along with the introduction of a state elected Duma. We will write a custom essay sample on To what extent did Russia undergo economic and political reform in the years 1906-14? or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Most of these changes were made as a bid to make the peasants content and prevent the chances of another revolution; however this also banned trade unions and newspapers. The introduction of the first Duma was short lived due to to the disapproval of the Tsar, who dissolved it under the Fundamental Law, after only 73 days. This was due to the number of members that were revolutionaries, who wanted to push through more moral ideas and reforms than the Tsar was willing to do, only 2 out of 391 made it into the law. This then led to the Vyborg manifesto, which was a group of frustrated Duma members teaming up to go against the Tsar’s action of raising taxes unfortunately this backfired, leading to all 200 members being banned from standing in the next Duma. The next Duma followed a similar suit, just with the gaining of the Social Revolutionaries and the Social Democrats gaining seats, it was the third and fourth Dumas that raised the most change within Russian society, but this may have been due to the Electoral Reform. In order to make sure that the government gained the best support, voting was restrained to the wealthy, meaning that only 30% of Russia could vote. This meant that the majority of the revolutionaries supporters could not vote, leading to to mostly pro-government parties winning the vote. The Duma was never seen as political institution and was never meant to be, it was supposed to be a simple forum to please the masses and make them believe that the autocracy was listening. The Third Fourth Dumas managed to make some successful reforms as the government were more inclined to listen to them, they managed to replace the biased Land Captains, introduced universal primary education, create health and accident insurance programmes and made improvements to the army and navy. Despite the fact that the Duma were never supposed to be parliamentary, they still successfully managed to have the Duma debates reported in the press, meaning that the reformers and radicals participating managed to influence public opinion legitimately something that had been denied to them previously. This reform had helped helped create political reform, as it had created a space where a forum for political debate could be taken note of, and could be published without being censored. It meant that political parties had been established legally, and despite the fact that the Third and Fourth Dumas thwarted many reforms, they helped too, as not all of the seats in this institution had been pro-government. Another factor affecting the amount of political change over the years is the use of Peter Stolypin, the Russian Prime Minister from 1906 1911. It is hard not to see Stolypin as a reformer, as he evidently saw what policies and laws needed to be changed or created in order to vanquish any repeat of the revolution, as he brought great changed to the Russian countryside, giving peasants the freedom to leave their communes, offering them cheap land in Siberia, or helping them to own their pieces of land through the redistribution of peasant wealth through the Land Bank. This had a big impact, as it lead to 50% of peasants having ownership of land, and agricultural production had risen from 45. 9 million tonnes to 61. 7 million tonnes in 1913. It is said by historians that had war not broken out, Russia could have developed a more stable, loyal and prosperous peasantry, as Stolypin envisaged. On the other hand, despite the rise on crop yields and production, not much was done about the living and working conditions of Russia’s industrial workers. This was definitely shown after his assassination, where a plague of Russian unrest came around again, only leading to the Lena Goldfield massacre of 1912 in Siberia, which led to strikers being killed by the police. This was then a tipping point for more strikes and demonstrations, reminiscent of the 1905 revolution, to take place, showing that despite the fact Stolypin had helped reform a little economically, it was immediately undone by the wrath of popular unrest amongst the lower classes once more. From these two arguments it is very easy to see points helping question the extent of the Russian economic and political changes over the years, but I believe that the true tipping point comes to the Fundamental Law. This Fundamental Law, created in 1906, created the constitution of the Russian Empire, creating a national parliament with the lower house (the Duma), being elected. This all sounds very good, and sounds like political reforms were in their heights in 1906 but this was completely changed in Article 87. This gave the right for the Tsar to govern by decree, thereby ignoring his ‘faithfully created’ parliament. This basically meant that the creation of the Duma was practically pointless, as the Tsar could still change his mind as to what laws he wanted created, and which laws he would go against, putting incredible restrictions on how much could be done within the Russian Empire. Therefore, I find that the extent to which the Russian Empire underwent economic and political changes were the smallest possible, as Nicholas was not willing to create any reforms.

Wednesday, March 18, 2020

Free Essays on Bacon And Aristotle

Bacon and Aristotle Throughout Bacon’s Novum Organum, Bacon criticizes Aristotle’s views on science to a point where he is almost belittling him. He criticized Aristotle’s philosophy from the foundations upwards. He thought that Aristotle was biased and argued that Aristotle’s views were corrupted and caused damage to the natural philosophy. He mainly disagreed with Aristotle’s philosophy because its foundation starts with something already known and then goes through series of steps to reach a general statement. Likewise, Bacon argues that his method starts with concrete things, rather than with previous ideas, which is not always clear. Therefore, according to him, Aristotle cannot possibly reach the truth. I conclude therefore that the signs of truth and soundness in the philosophies and sciences that are current are not at all good, whether taken from the origins of those ideas, or from their fruits or their growth, or the admissions of their founders, or the fact of their common acceptance. (Bacon 87) Aristotle was biased because he used the natural philosophy against his logic, and made it a disputation in itself and therefore making it useless (Bacon 62). He was so caught up in his own idea that it only led him to untruth and then led many people to believe him and destroy science and nature all together. Also the syllogism of Aristotle’s does not allow people to advance into a greater domain simply because the answer was already contained in the premises. Logic that was used by Aristotle damaged the natural philosophy that Bacon is trying to stress â€Å"†¦ which ought to mark out the boundaries of natural philosophy, not generate or give it birth† (Bacon 106). So therefore Bacon considers only greater outcomes would come from the natural philosophy if it were pure and unadulterated (Bacon 106). In Conclusion, Bacon views Aristotle as a complete destroyer of nature and the sciences. He argues that A... Free Essays on Bacon And Aristotle Free Essays on Bacon And Aristotle Bacon and Aristotle Throughout Bacon’s Novum Organum, Bacon criticizes Aristotle’s views on science to a point where he is almost belittling him. He criticized Aristotle’s philosophy from the foundations upwards. He thought that Aristotle was biased and argued that Aristotle’s views were corrupted and caused damage to the natural philosophy. He mainly disagreed with Aristotle’s philosophy because its foundation starts with something already known and then goes through series of steps to reach a general statement. Likewise, Bacon argues that his method starts with concrete things, rather than with previous ideas, which is not always clear. Therefore, according to him, Aristotle cannot possibly reach the truth. I conclude therefore that the signs of truth and soundness in the philosophies and sciences that are current are not at all good, whether taken from the origins of those ideas, or from their fruits or their growth, or the admissions of their founders, or the fact of their common acceptance. (Bacon 87) Aristotle was biased because he used the natural philosophy against his logic, and made it a disputation in itself and therefore making it useless (Bacon 62). He was so caught up in his own idea that it only led him to untruth and then led many people to believe him and destroy science and nature all together. Also the syllogism of Aristotle’s does not allow people to advance into a greater domain simply because the answer was already contained in the premises. Logic that was used by Aristotle damaged the natural philosophy that Bacon is trying to stress â€Å"†¦ which ought to mark out the boundaries of natural philosophy, not generate or give it birth† (Bacon 106). So therefore Bacon considers only greater outcomes would come from the natural philosophy if it were pure and unadulterated (Bacon 106). In Conclusion, Bacon views Aristotle as a complete destroyer of nature and the sciences. He argues that A...

Monday, March 2, 2020

How Supreme Court Tie Votes Could Impact Major Cases

How Supreme Court Tie Votes Could Impact Major Cases Beyond all the political ranker and rhetoric spurred by the death of Antonin Scalia, the absence of the strongly conservative justice could have a major impact on several key cases to be decided by the U.S. Supreme Court. Background Before Scalia’s death, the justices considered to be social conservatives held a 5-4 edge over those considered liberals, and many controversial cases were indeed decided in 5-4 votes. Now with Scalia’s absence, some especially high-profile cases pending before the Supreme Court may result in 4-4 tie votes. These cases deal with issues like access to abortion clinics; equal representation; religious liberty; and deportation of illegal immigrants. The possibility for tie votes will remain until a replacement for Scalia is nominated by President Obama and approved by the Senate. This means the Court will probably deliberate with only eight justices for the rest of its current 2015 term and well into the 2016 term, which starts in October 2106. While President Obama promised to fill Scalia’s vacancy as soon as possible, the fact that Republicans control the Senate is likely to make that a hard promise for him to keep. What Happens If the Vote is a Tie? There are no tie-breakers. In the event of tie vote by the Supreme Court, the rulings issued by the lower federal courts or state supreme courts are allowed to remain in effect as if the Supreme Court had never even considered the case. However, the rulings of the lower courts will have no â€Å"precedent setting† value, meaning they will not apply in other states as with Supreme Court decisions. The Supreme Court can also reconsider the case when it again has 9 justices. The Cases in Question The highest profile controversies and cases still to be decided by the Supreme Court, with or without a replacement for Justice Scalia, include: Religious Freedom: Birth Control Under Obamacare   In the case of Zubik v. Burwell, employees of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Pittsburgh objected to participating in any way with the birth control coverage provisions of the Affordable Care Act – Obamacare – claiming that being forced to do so would violate their First Amendment rights under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. Prior to the Supreme Court’s decision to hear the case, seven circuit courts of appeals rule in favor of the federal government’s right to impose the requirements of Affordable Care Act on the employees. Should the Supreme Court arrive at a 4-4 decision, the rulings of the lower courts would remain in effect. Religious Freedom: Separation of Church and State In the case of Trinity Lutheran Church of Columbia, Inc. v. Pauley, a Lutheran church in Missouri applied for a state recycling program grant to build a children’s playground with a surface made from recycled tires. The State of Missouri denied the church’s application based on a provision of the state’s constitution stating, â€Å"no money shall ever be taken from the public treasury, directly or indirectly, in aid of any church, section or denomination of religion.† The church sued Missouri, claiming the action had violated its First and Fourteenth Amendment rights. The court of appeals dismissed the suit, thus upholding the state’s action. Abortion and Women’s Health Rights A Texas law enacted in 2013 required abortion clinics in that state to comply with the same standards as hospitals, including requiring the clinics’ doctors to have admitting privileges at hospital within 30 miles of the abortion clinic. Citing the law as the cause, several abortion clinics in the state have closed their doors. In the case of Whole Womans Health v. Hellerstedt, to be heard by the Supreme Court in March 2016, the plaintiffs argue that the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals was wrong in upholding the law. Based on his past decisions dealing with questions of the rights of the states in general and abortion specifically, Justice Scalia was expected to vote to uphold the lower court’s ruling. Update: In a major victory for  abortion rights supporters, the Supreme Court on June 27, 2016 rejected the Texas law regulating abortion clinics and practitioners in a 5-3 decision.   Immigration and Presidential Powers In 2014, President Obama issued an executive order that would allow more illegal immigrants to remain in the U.S. under the â€Å"deferred action† deportation program created in 2012, also by an Obama executive order. Ruling that Obama’s action violated the Administrative Procedure Act, the law loosely regulating the federal regulations, a federal judge in Texas barred the government from implementing the order. The judge’s ruling was then upheld by a three-judge panel of the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals. In the case of United States v. Texas, the White House is asking the Supreme Court to overturn the 5th Circuit panel’s decision. Justice Scalia was expected to vote to uphold the 5th Circuit’s decision, thus blocking the White House from implementing the order by a 5-4 vote. A 4-4 tie vote would have the same result. In this case, however, the Supreme Court might express its intention to reconsider the case after a ninth justice has been seated. Update: On June 23, 2016, the Supreme Court issue a split 4-4 â€Å"no-decision,† thus allowing the Texas court’s ruling to stand and blocking President Obama’s executive order on immigration from taking effect. The ruling could affect more than 4 million undocumented immigrants seeking to apply for the deferred action programs in order to stay in the United States. The one-sentence ruling issued by the Supreme Court simply read: â€Å"The judgment [of the lower court] is affirmed by an equally divided Court.† Equal Representation: ‘One Person, One Vote’ It may be a sleeper, but the case of Evenwel v. Abbott could affect the number of votes your state gets in Congress and thus the electoral college system. Under Article I, Section 2 of the Constitution, the number of seats allocated to each state in the House of Representatives is based on the â€Å"population† of the state or its congressional districts as counted in the most recent U.S. census. Shortly after each decennial census, Congress adjusts each state’s representation through a process called â€Å"apportionment.† In 1964, the Supreme Court’s landmark â€Å"one person, one vote† decision ordered the states to use generally equal populations in drawing the boundaries of their congressional districts. However, the court at the time failed to precisely define â€Å"population† as meaning all people, or only eligible voters. In the past, the term has been taken to mean the total number of people living in the state or district as counted by the census. In deciding the Evenwel v. Abbott case, the Supreme Court will be called on to more clearly define â€Å"population† for purposes of congressional representation. The plaintiffs in the case contend that the 2010 congressional redistricting plan adopted by the state of Texas violated their rights to equal representation under the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment. They claim that their rights to equal representation had been diluted because the state’s plan had counted everyone – not just eligible voters. As a result, claim the plaintiffs, eligible voters in some districts have more power than those in other districts. A three-judge panel of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals held against the plaintiffs, finding that the Equal Protection Clause allows the states to apply total population when drawing their congressional districts. Once again, a 4-4 tie vote by the Supreme Court would allow the lower court’s decision to stand, but without affecting apportionment practices in other states.

Friday, February 14, 2020

Tork uk ltd Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Tork uk ltd - Essay Example Part 1 a) Develop a more aggressive marketplace positioning strategy. In order to find out an effective marketing strategy for TORC, it is important to understand its present position within the marketplace. â€Å"Strategy is a proprietary set of actions that serve targeted customers better than competition, while strategic positioning consists in defining the focus point of a company’s resources† (Strategic Positioning, 2013, n.p.). TORC consists of a large customer range which incorporates huge sections of the public and also different organizations. It has been observed that the products reach the general through their retail outlets and that they are made available to large corporations through their sales engineers. The Ansoff product or market matrix is used for determining the opportunities for growth of the organization. At present, TORC is presently deliberating the merits of online business by a mail order subsidiary. â€Å"Ansoff’s product/market grow th matrix suggests that a business’ attempts to grow depend on whether it markets new or existing products in new or existing markets† (TORC UK Ltd. Essay, 2003-2011, n.p). ... b) Introduce a rationalized product range to exploit the higher turnover available from more profitable products. Product development is an area which the TORC can investigate and find out what strategies to employ in order to attain a better market position. An opportunity has to be taken to diversify the existing products .For example, raising interest in females, children etc by modifying the products to suit their tastes. TORC has established its brand name already with high quality through its retail outlets that sell assorted goods in order to entice new customers. An increased influence from gardening, home improvement programmes and television have seen the new customer target base endeavoring to the male domain, but, however is trying to maintain their femininity and hence does not want to handle heavy tools presently available. Packaging of products also plays a crucial role to attract the customers, as it is based on the appeal of the end product that they buy it. â€Å"P roduct Development plays a critical role in ensuring a company's future growth potential† (Product Development Overview, n.d, n.p). The sales engineers will also have to inform the customers that there exist new products with reputed brand image and they have to explain the way in which they compliment the range. Even though the knowledge of entry into new distribution channels is limited, the development of an existing product that produces high profits and distinguishes itself with quality would entrench itself into any market arena. c) Develop a marketing promotion campaign to include an on-line intranet and extranet capability in order to serve more international markets. Even though

Sunday, February 2, 2020

Power markets Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Power markets - Coursework Example This one-hour-in-advance arrangement for the provision of electricity functions as cut-off as after that time, no arrangement can be contracted to supply electricity; it is called as Gate Closure. Generators produce electricity as per the demanded capacity during the contracted half-hour for usage by the suppliers (ELEXON, 2012). Nevertheless, in the real-time of half-hour, possibility exists for suppliers estimating their electricity needs wrongly or failure on the part of generator to generate the settled electricity or a glitch could emerge in the transportation of electricity. It necessitates the actual time management for smooth functioning of the arrangement, which is played by the System Operator, the National Grid (ELEXON, 2012). Those generators having capacity to generate extra electricity other than the half-hour demand of the supplier can do so by making available the additional volume to the System Operator and fix a price they expect for the extra volume. Likewise, a Generator can decrease the volume of electricity generated and can fix a price for decreasing it. Likewise, suppliers not having any shortage of electricity can offer to decrease their demand to facilitate availability of extra electricity to the System Operator and can fix the price they expect for that. On the same length, suppliers can convey to the System Operator their demand for a pre-determined price. Such conversations between the stakeholders in technical terms are called Bids and Offers. An Offer is made to increase electricity generation or decrease demand for it while a Bid is made to decrease generation or increase demand (ELEXON, 2009). The System Operator manages supply and demand in each half an hour in real-time by accepting Bids or Offers conditional to an increase or decrease in electricity generation to fulfil demand. Later, metered volumes are measured for the half hour from Generators

Friday, January 24, 2020

Woody Allen :: essays research papers

Woody Allen has proven himself as one of the forefathers of the American film industry and media as a whole. He has helped mold the standard for modern day film through is many movies that cover a wide range of styles, from comedy and drama to romance to tragedy. He has acted in 28 of the 36 movies he has produced while also famous for his writing. Allen is known best as the creator of films containing self-deprecating and intellectual mockery. His films typically parody the neuroses of the social class of New York sophisticates. Almost of his movies dealt with sex. Woody Allen was born in Brooklyn N.Y. on December 1, 1935 as Allen Steart Koinsberg to Martin and Nettie Konigsberg. Allen briefly attended New York City College, although he never graduated. During college, he wrote one-liners for the columnist Earl Wilson. It was at this time that he changed his name from Allan Konigsberg to Woody Allen. Soon after, he began writing for television, and in the early ‘60s, he worked as a stand-up comedian. In 1964, Woody Allen, a comedy album featuring his stand-up material, was nominated for a Grammy Award. In 1965, he wrote his first screenplay, What’s New, Pussycat, a film in which he also starred. Following the success of this film, he directed What’s Up, Tiger Lily? in 1966, a James Bond spoof that was not as commercially successful as What’s New, Pussycat, but which nonetheless established Allen as a cutting edge humorist.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  His featured stars that he selects for his movies are often the most established or up-and-coming actors of the day, and he frequently works with the same actors as well as technical crew. Dianne Wiest, for instance, was featured in Radio Days in 1987 and Bullets Over Broadway in 1994. Judy Davis, another Allen favorite, has appeared in Husbands and Wives released in 1992, Deconstructing Harry in 1997, and Celebrity released 1998. Additionally, Allen has a history of casting his significant others for his films. Louise Lasser, to whom Allen was married in the late ‘60s, starred in numerous film and theater projects penned by Allen. Works featuring Diane Keaton, whom Allen dated in the ‘70s, included Sleeper, 1973; Annie Hall, 1977, which earned Allen an Oscar for Best Director; Manhattan, 1979; and Radio Days, 1987. Mia Farrow, for whom Allen wrote numerous roles throughout their long-standing relationship, appeared in The Purple Rose of Cairo, released 1985, Hannah and Her Sisters, in 1986, also featuring Wiest; Alice, 1990, Shadows and Fog, 1992 and Husbands and Wives released 1992.

Thursday, January 16, 2020

Korean “Comfort Women” of Wwii Essay

â€Å"†¦Use curiosity to ask challenging questions about what appear as normal, everyday banalities in order to try and understand make visible’ the hidden gendering of the practice and theorizing of international relations† –Cynthia Enloe In times of armed conflict, women are most susceptible to violence and silencing through the sexualization, dehumanization, and stigmatization of their identities. Janie Leatherman highlights this point when stating â€Å"gender based violence often intensifies and becomes more extreme in a crisis, even escalating into a tool of war â€Å" (4). This is inevitable in a patriarchal society where hegemonic masculine values construct gender norms and gender expectations. Sexual violence during armed conflict does not develop in isolation from the society’s preexisting socioeconomic and culturally shaped gender relationships. Furthermore, the patriarchal nature of a society does not work alone in creating injustices, such as sexual violence, against women during and after armed conflict; there must be a â€Å"framework that embraces the realities, contradictions, and intersections of various global relations of power† (Kempadoo, 29). These intersections include the relationships between gender, race, class, cultural, and societal ideologies. In my paper, I take on Cynthia Enloe’s challenge of using an enquiring, gendered lens to explore the silencing of women during and after war by examining the case of the Korean ‘comfort women’ of World War II. I will analyze how the intersection of prevailing social determinants and ideologies have regulated and perpetuated the rationale and, thus, the invisibility of the Korean comfort women during and in the aftermath of World War II. Literature Review & Research Methodology Yoshiaki Yoshimi’s Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military during World War II, Margaret Stetz’s Legacies of the Comfort Women of World War II, as well as Toshiyuki Tanaka’s Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II were mainly used throughout my research to gather the testimonies of surviving Korean comfort women. All three books give a comprehensive look into the phenomenon of the Japanese military comfort women system with historical background and an abundance of testimonies and documentation of the Korean comfort women. Because my research focuses on the silencing of Korean comfort women during and in the aftermath of World War II, these oral histories provide crucial supporting evidence throughout my paper. Besides two testimonies by one Japanese soldier and one Japanese military doctor, testimonies by other Japanese soldiers and government officials that have acknowledged the existence of the comfort women stations were difficult t o find. Therefore, throughout these testimonies, I specifically looked for patterns that revealed evidence of Japanese gender hierarchies through the diction and accounts that imply any dehumanization and objectification imparted by Japanese soldiers. To investigate the determinants that had cultivated the Japanese comfort station system and, more importantly, the targeting of Korean women for the system, I specifically used Cynthia Enloe’s Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives as well as Janie Leatherman’s Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict. Both authors give insights and analyses of the causes and consequences of sexual violence during armed conflict. They both emphasize the interplay of patriarchal systems, gender constructions/norms, and political/economic/cultural structures as large contributors. In addition to these specific determinants, I incorporate Sara Ahmed’s analysis to sexual violence by considering the â€Å"cultural intersections between gender, race, and colonialism† in my analytical approach (138). By applying and intertwining the critical approaches of Enloe, Leatherman, and Ahmed, I am able to isolate the multifaceted, yet intersecting institutions and ideologies that had fabricated the invisibility of and the rationale for the Korean comfort women. Background of the Japanese Comfort Stations The euphemism ‘comfort women’ was the name assigned to thousands of women –mainly Korean but also Burmese, Chinese, Dutch, Eurasians, Indians, Indonesian, Filipina, and Taiwanese –who were forced into the Japanese comfort station system (Japan’s military controlled whore houses or brothels) throughout World War II (Yoshimi). These so called ‘comfort stations’ were far from comforting. The conditions of the physical spaces have been described as â€Å"barrack-like facilities, rudimentary tents, [or] shacks† (Yoshimi, 25). One Japanese military doctor has testified that the women were treated like â€Å"female ammunition† and that their dehumanized bodies were reduced to the likes of â€Å"public toilets† (Wantabe, 20). The testimony of Hwang Kum-Ju, one of the first Korean comfort women to testify in public, only reveals a glimpse of the sufferings she and fellow comfort women had to endure: â€Å"There were so many soldiers. Sometimes, we had to do it with twenty to thirty soldiers a day. I think ours was the only comfort station in that area, and soldiers and officers came whenever they had some spare moments. Higher-ups came freely, and at night we usually slept with officers. Women who contracted venereal diseases were simply left to die or shot. Anyone resisting the advances was beaten† (Kim, 97). Comfort women were subjected to daily rapes, sexual diseases, torture, murder, and other forms of mental, physical, and sexual violence. The comfort stations were created during World War II as a solution to the aftermath of the Japanese military committing mass murders and rapes as they moved across mainland Asia. The catalyst for the creation of the comfort system was the most infamous massacre known as the â€Å"The Rape of Nanking† in which the whole village of Nanking was murdered after the Japanese soldiers raped approximately 20,000 village women. Because this particular massacre caused such an outcry in the international press, Emperor Hirohito of Japan ordered the creation and systematic expansion of the comfort stations. However, the purpose for which these comfort stations were created was not out of concern for the safety of local women of in the territories in which the Japanese soldiers were stationed. Naoai Murata, the Defense Agency Director of the Secretariat in 1992, claimed that they were created in order to ‘†¦maintain order [and] to ease the anti-Japanese feeling aroused by the Japanese soldier’s deeds’ (Schmidt, 88). This would restore the image of the Imperial Army by confining and concealing rape and sexual violence to military controlled facilities. Additionally, as the war progressed, these comfort stations transformed into spaces that provided opportunities for the Japanese soldiers to have sex as a means of relaxation and comfort, a boost for morale, a space to assert their masculinity, to relieve the stress and fear of combat, and an outlet from strict military discipline (Yoshimi, 53). The following interview of one Japanese soldier highlights the psychological influence and importance of the comfort women to the Japanese soldiers: â€Å"Even though we had just returned from lengthy military operations at the front, the thought of having sex made us leave immediately for the [comfort women]. When we arrived at where the women were, soldiers took their place in line and mulled over life and death while waiting for their turn. There was nothing else like the supreme feeling of completeness that the soldiers experienced when engaging in sex with the women. This was the only way for them to whole-heartedly escape from their abnormal existence† (Yoshimi, 54-55). The advocacy and rationale for the comfort women system reveal the dependency of the military on women. The comfort women system was considered an important element for the war efforts, even if only temporary. Why Korean Comfort Women? Approximately 80% of the 100,000 to 200,000 comfort women were Korean with ages ranging from 13 to mid-20’s (Yoshimi, 67). The question that can be elucidated from this statistic is simple: ‘why were the majority of the comfort women Korean?’ The answer to this question can be answered with: â€Å"†¦the military usually does not need – or want- all women to provide all these militarized services. Rather, government officials have needed women of some classes and some races and some ages to serve some of these functions†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Enloe 2000, 44). Furthermore, in order to further pinpoint the determinants to why this marginalized group was targeted, there needs to be â€Å"an engagement with the interplay of global relations of power around gender, race, nationality, and the economy (Kempadoo, 29). These underlying intertwining ideologies and institutions that have contributed to the explicit targeting of Korean women for the Japanese comfort stat ions need to be explored. Racial Ideologies: Racism The excessive usage of Korean women for the Japanese comfort system is directly linked to the elements of racism. This phenomenon can be analyzed by the intertwined relationship between colonialism, race, socially constructed gender ideologies. As Sara Ahmed emphasizes, â€Å" a consideration of cultural intersections between gender, race, and colonialism is important for two main reasons. First it demands that feminism reject any approach, which isolates the production of gender from race and colonialism. As a result, it requires us to consider how certain feminisms may themselves function as part of the colonialist culture† (138). With this framework in mind, it can be elucidated that the targeting of Korean women stems from the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905 from which Korea became a protectorate of Japan and later officially colonized in 1910. Despite the fact that Korea had become a colony under Japan’s rule, the Japanese government and society’s sentiment â€Å"dictated that the [Korean] population was still considered to be racially inferior† (Tanaka, 96). While exploiting and objectifying Korean women, the Japanese military did not see it appropriate to exploit their own women to the same extent: â€Å"[Japanese] officials believed [international] laws were not applicable to Japan’s colonies, and this, combined with the belief in the superiority of Japanese women and the suitability of women of other races for prostitution, cemented to use [Korean] women from the colonies as comfort women† (Tanaka, 97) The Korean comfort women were positioned and identified as ‘uncivilized,’ inferior, subjugated, and promiscuous by the Japanese masculine colonial mindset. Derogatory and sexualized words, accompanied by violence, were used against the Korean comfort women at the comfort stations as racially discriminatory identifiers of the superior and the inferior groups. These words included ‘Ppagayor! Senpino kuseni!’ which translates to ‘Idiot! Nothing but a Korean cunt!’ (Yoshimi, 113). Enloe explains that objectifying foreign women makes it easier for military officials to marginalize them: â€Å"it was far easier for commanders to send women if they could be portrayed as rootless, promiscuous, parasitic, and generally a drag on the military’s discipline and battle readiness† (2000, 40). The images inscribed on the inferior, ‘colonized’ Korean comfort women rose from the colonialist, racial, and masculine institutions. The importance of the intersection of these institutions is emphasized by Kempadoo â€Å"a large number of women upon whose bodies and labor such constructions of masculinity depend are of nations, races, and ethnicities other than those of men is a reality that cannot be neglected or ignore† (31). These constructions of the Korean comfort women’s identities fabricated a justification that only naturalized the Japanese nation’s domination over Korean through the Korean comfort women. Gender Ideologies: Sexualized Femininity/Militarized Masculinity During World War II, the prominently patriarchal nature of the Japanese society reestablished the preexisting gendered, dichotomous construction of sexuality for both men and women in which the degree of masculinity of soldiers was greatly dependent on the comfort women. Cynthia Enloe highlights this notion by recognizing that â€Å"the women were one of the strengths, which maintained the military organization† (Enloe 1988, 187). Enloe draws attention to this dependency by stating ‘the military needs women as the gender ‘women’ to provide men with masculinity –reinforcing incentives to endure all the hardships of soldiering (Enloe 1988, 214). During World War II, within the Japanese military, there were socially constructed forms of masculinity and femininity that were reinforced by the onset of war and the military. The service of and dependency on the objectified women’s body s tems from what Carole Vance explains to be social constructions of gender and sexuality, not as â€Å"natural† and â€Å"unchanging† biologically determined notions of gender and sexuality. Socially constructed gender roles have shaped â€Å"sexuality as a form of power† (Mackinnon, 2). Catherine Mackinnon further describes these powerful gender roles: â€Å"the social beings we know as man and woman are bound by social requirements of heterosexuality, which institutionalizes male sexual domination and female sexual submission† The woman’s identity becomes inexplicably attached to her sexuality, becoming â€Å"that which is most of her own, yet is most taken away† (Tong, 111). Sexuality becomes distorted into an ideal of sexuality that reduces women to sexual objects while placing men as the dominating, sexual subject. The highly hierarchical gender system of Japan during World War II fostered an inequality between men and women in which â€Å"men create the demand and women are the supply† (Hughes, 11). The objectification of the Korean women was necessary for the militarization of men. (Enloe 2000). During times of war, the ideologies of masculinity that â€Å"their love and respect can only be met by being masculine, powerful, and ult imately violent† are fuelled (Kokopeli, 233). This is because the military as a social institution is constructed by ideals of male sexuality. The sexualization of the female body aids the military in the marginalization of women as it depicts women as objects and tools for the soldier’s sexual satisfaction. Vance states that all â€Å"social construction approaches adopt the view that physically identical sexual acts may have varying social significance and subjective meaning depends on how they are defined and understood in different cultures and historical periods† (29). Militarized masculinities are sexualized in violent forms, which was clearly the case among the Japanese soldiers. The socially constructed feminine identity at the time was one of which sexuality was merely designed to service individual men and male defined institutions. This explanation creates a foundation for the upheld rigid distinctions between masculine and feminine ideals in the Japanese society during World War II. For the Japanese male soldiers, the militarized masculine model of sexuality embodied notions of dominance, destructi on, aggression, and sexual conquest. On the other hand, the Korean comfort women subjected to this patriarchal society were merely reduced to submissive, obedient, and sexual tools. Enloe also argues that wartime sexual violence provides ‘masculinity-reinforcing incentives to endure all the hardships of soldiering’ (1988, 214). The practice of going to the comfort stations to have sex with the comfort women became a routine for the Japanese soldiers; the women were seen as a â€Å"necessary evil† (Tanaka, 67). Whereas on the battlefield, the Japanese soldiers had little control, having sex with women against their will gave the men the masculine power of dominance and self-assertion. In battle, Japanese soldiers were merely seen as military ammunition for combat, but they were able to reinforce their own masculine subjectivity and agency through the sexual objectification of Korean comfort women. This can be comprehended through the account of one Korean comfort woman, Yi Sunok: â€Å"There were many times when I was almost killed. If I refused to do what one man asked, he would come back drunk and threaten me with his sword. Others simply arrived drunk, and had intercourse with their swords stuck in the tatami. This left the tatami scarred, but this sort of behavior was more of a threat to make me accede to their desires and give them satisfaction† (Tanaka, 56). The Korean comfort women provided an environment where the men could reinforce militarized masculine at the expense of the women’s dehumanization as well as their mental and physical health. The Korean comfort women not only suffered enforced sex, but sex routinely accompanied by routine violence and torture. Although the comfort women station system was blatant throughout World War II, it was rationalized by socially constructed, yet biologically justified, notions of male sexuality. Vance would call this justification as â€Å"biological determinism,† which is the belief that biology determines fundamentally all behavior and actions. The belief that the comfort women were needed because of the male Japanese soldiers’ biologically determined, uncontrollable sexual needs can be perceived in the secret report by a psychiatrist of the Konodai army hospital in 1939: â€Å"The army authorities established comfort stations†¦because they assumed that it was impossible to suppress the sexual urge of soldiers. The main purposes of setting up comfort facilities were to relieve soldiers of daily stresses by giving them a sense of sexual satisfaction and to prevent rapes which would damage the reputation of the Imperial army from happening† (Yoshimi, 1992, 228). This understanding of male sexuality inadvertently reduces the rationale for the comfort station system to a biological one. It justifies the creation of the comfort women system as unavoidable and inevitable as though there was no other solution. The biological determinism argument is a legitimizing tool for it positions this constructed masculinity as outside of human control. The trope of ‘uncontrollable military male sexuality’ rooted in the ‘nature’ rationale only suspends moral and legal restrains on the comfort women system while perpetuating and justifying the women’s objectified, subordinate position. Socioeconomic Status The majority of the Korean women that were targeted in the comfort station system were from a low socioeconomic class. Hughes reiterates this point by pointing out that recruiters of areas in the sex industry â€Å"take advantage of poverty, unemployment and a desire to emigrate to recruit and traffic women into the sex industry† (11). Hughes also includes a report from the Women’s NGO which states, â€Å"†¦economic hard times has lead to a depression of women’s psychological state with a loss of self esteem and hope for the future. Women accept unlikely offers of employment in unskilled jobs at high salaries with the resignation that ‘it cannot be worse’ than their present lives. Recruiters for the sex industry target the most economically depresses areas† (12). The Korean women of low economic status and class were vulnerable to the deceitful recruitment methods of the Japanese. For example, the Korean population in the Japanese colonized territories was very poor during World War II because Japan had taken any available means of production of food and clothes for the war effort (Argibay, 378). This left most of the young Korean women and girls living in poverty and starting menial labor at a very early age in order to support their families. ‘Recruiters’ would encourage compliance by convincing the women that they would obtain high paid jobs as seamstresses and nurses or working in a hospital or a factory (Stetz, 10). One comfort women named Suntok Kim recalls that when she was being ‘recruited,’ the prospects of being a ‘comfort woman’ for the Japanese seemed promising because she came from a poor family and had no education. Working in a factory was far better than her current working and living conditions (Stetz, 10). Furthermore, the U.S. Office of War Interrogation Report No. 49 reports that when being recruited â€Å"Korean women assumed that comfort service consisted of visiting wounded soldiers and generally making the soldiers happy, and that many Korean women enlisted on the basis of these misrepresentations† (Arigbay , 378) Another means of recruitment that targeted Koreans of low socioeconomic class was through the method of debt bondage, indenturing the Korean comfort women to the Japanese military. Economically destitute rural families were deceived into thinking that they had a choice of whether or not to sell their daughters to the Japanese military; however, in reality, they were being coerced with violence and had no agency in this matter. Many reports have indicated that families who refused to sell their daughters were killed and girls taken to the Japanese military bases after. The Japanese would also threaten to destroy â€Å"the whole village, kill the elders and children and commit other violent measures† (Arigbay, 278). Many Korean comfort women did not have the agency, autonomy, or the economic option to oppose Japanese forces. Offering a payment was simply a customary ruse by the Japanese military to justify their methods in taking these powerless Korean women. Continuum of Injustice & Invisibility in the Aftermath Stigmatization: Cultural & Social Institutions In the aftermath of World War II, the experiences of the comfort women were silenced for approximately 50 years. This silence was finally broken in the early 1990s when the issue was brought to light as former comfort women began to release their testimonies to the public. When this issue began to gain public attention, the Japanese government immediately declared that the comfort women system did not exist in the Japanese military and thus â€Å"there could be no question of any apology, memorial, or disclosures by the Japanese government† (Uncomfortable Truths). To this day, comfort women are still waiting for an apology for the violation of their human rights and for the objectification of their bodies and identities from the Japanese government. Many grassroots organizations and feminist groups have been created since the early 1990s to draw attention to issue of the comfort women. These include the Korean Research Institute for Chongsindae and the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Sexual Slavery by Japan. Since the early 1990s over one hundred women in South Korea have registered with the Korean government as former comfort women (Kim, 74). However, despite these efforts, the stark question of ‘why’ the surviving Korean comfort women were silenced for so long still remains. The surviving women have not only suffered from mental and physical injuries, but also had to suffer from additional social injuries. Many of the surviving Korean comfort women have had to live a stigmatized and isolated life as they tried to assimilate back into the communities. They were â€Å"condemned to live out their lives as social, pariahs, shunned by their families, tortured by injury and illness, some sent mad by their ordeal†¦some committed suicide, others became insane† (Askin, 13). This stigmatization can be attributed to the Confucian societies in Korea for the Korean comfort women were products of this culture. The Confucian definition of the traditional feminine identity highlights docility and emphasizes chastity as a woman’s most important virtue (Stetz, 13). As Iris Chang reiterates: â€Å"Asian Confucianism-particularly Korean Confucianism- upheld female purity as a virtue greater than life and perpetuated the belief that any woman who could live through such a degrading experience and not commit suicide was herself an affront to society] This cultural ideology demanded that unmarried women must be virgins and blamed the women for not being able to prevent any forms of sexual violation (53). With high moral value attached to chastity and purity, the comfort women â€Å"invariably emerged from their wartime experiences defiled, yet unable to accuse their abusers† (Askin, 25). The fear of isolation and stigma from their defilement only silenced them, leaving these sexual atrocities in the dark for 50 years. The internalization of this feminine identity caused Korean comfort women to lose self-respect, to live in shame, and ultimately perpetuate their own stigmatization. Furthermore, the social stigma and shame attached to rape and sex were fostered by Korean society and the Korean comfort women’s own families. Patty Kelly explains this stigma as â€Å"a blemish of individual character that [the] women cannot escape†¦the stigmatized person is perceived as possessing weak will, unnatural passions, and treacherous beliefs† (192). The stigma of rape and sex embody has implications on community, family, and responsibility. Kelly asserts that stigma associated with sex work â€Å"circumscribes one’s social relations†¦causes fear and shame†¦creates inauthenticity in daily life† (194). Keith Howard describes the lives that the surviving Korean comfort women had to endure in their communities: â€Å"When they returned to Korea†¦they were neither faithful nor chaste. They were not exemplary women. The families of the comfort women feared the ostracism they would suffer if the shameful past were discovered; the women became an extra burden, and there was little chance to marry them off† (7). This social stigma and discrimination oppressed the surviving Korean comfort women. As Kelly points out, social relations with the family were tainted. Some of the Korean comfort women were seen as a disgrace to their family by their own family and by the rest of society. One Korean comfort woman by the name of Tokchin Kim has revealed that the honor of her family and the relationship with her family hindered her from publicizing her experience, which only allowed the comfort station system to remain invisible. Tokchin Kim had tried to register at the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan as a former comfort woman. However, her nephew expressed â€Å"You will only bring trouble on your family and your children will be traumatized† (Yoshimi, 4 9). Because of the stigmatization, humiliation, and disgrace that inevitably arose from their past as comfort women, the Korean comfort women’s experiences had unjustly remained hidden for an inordinate amount of time. Conclusion The Japanese comfort stations during World War II completely disregarded comfort women’s rights and silenced their past as a product of the rationale for the system. Leatherman explicates that the silences and justifications â€Å"undergird[ed] the economic, social, cultural, and political power structures of patriarchy. Patriarchy is a hierarchal social order centered on dominant or hegemonic forms of masculinity† (4). The justifications and invisibility stem from the intersection of socially constructed gender, cultural, racial, and socioeconomic institutions. Comfort women have had to unjustly bear the â€Å"shame, ostracism, and dishonor that should be imputed to the perpetrator of sexual violence† (Askin, 31). There has been a continuum of this disregard into the present day as the Japanese government has failed to give an official apology for their wartime atrocities after 50 years of ignoring the existence of comfort women. This untiring neglect reproduces injustice and invisibility of the comfort women to this day. As of right now, there are only 63 registered Korean comfort women in South Korea waiting out their last years to be fully recognized as comfort women by the Japanese government. In order for there to be any strides in this movement, it is imperative that the social and gender hierarchies encumbering Japanese and Korean societies be deconstructed and reevaluated. Additionally, the vast gap between the value of the female and male’s experience and rights in the patriarchal nature of Japan’s society needs to be closed. Bibliography Ahmed, Sara. â€Å"Construction of Women And/in the Orient.† Women, Power, and Resistance: An Introduction to Women’s Studies. By Tess Cosslett, Alison Easton, and Penny Summerfield. Buckingham [England: Open UP, 1996. 225-32. Print. Argibay, Carmen M. â€Å"Sexual Slavery and the â€Å"Comfort Women† of World War II.† Berkeley Journal of International Law 21.375 (n.d.): 375-89. Print. Askin, Kelly D. â€Å"Comfort Women- Shifting Shame and Stigma from Victims to Victimizers.† International Criminal Law Review 1 (2001): 5-32. Print. Chang, Iris. â€Å"The Rape of Nanking.† The Law of War, a Documentary History. By Leon Friedman. New York: Random House, 1972. N. pag. Print. Enloe, Cynthia H. Bananas, Beaches & Bases: Making Feminist Sense of International Politics. Berkeley: University of California, 1988. Print Enloe, Cynthia H. Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives. Berkeley: University of California, 2000. Print. Howard, Keith, and Young Joo. Lee. True Stories of the Korean Comfort Women. N.p.: Cassell, 1995. Print. Hughes, Donna M. â€Å"The ‘Natasha’ Trade: The Transnational Shadow Market of Trafficking in Women.† The ‘Natasha’ Trade: The Transnational Shadow Market of Trafficking in Women. Journal of International Affairs, 2000. Web. 13 Dec. 2012. Kelly, Patty. â€Å"The Secrets We Keep: Sex, Work, and Stigma.† Lydia’s Open Door: Inside Mexico’s Most Modern Brothel. By Patty Kelly. Berkeley: University of California, 2008. N. pag. Print. Kempadoo,. â€Å"Women of Color and the Global Sex Trade: Transnational Feminist Perspectives.† Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism. Indiana University Press, n.d. Web. 13 Dec. 2012. Kim, Hyun S. â€Å"History and Memory: The â€Å"Comfort Women† Controversy.† Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique 5.1 (1997): 73-108. Print. Kokopeli, Bruce, and George Lakey. â€Å"More Power Than We Want: Masculine Sexuality and Violence.† Reweaving the Web of Life: Feminism and Nonviolence. By Pam McAllister. Philadelphia, PA: New Society, 1982. N. pag. Print. Leatherman, Janie. Sexual Violence and Armed Conflict. Cambridge: Polity, 2011. Print. MacKinnon, Catharine A. Feminism, Marxism, Method and the State. N.p.: University of Chicago, 1987. Print. Schmidt, David A. Ianfu, the Comfort Women of the Japanese Imperial Army of the Pacific War: Broken Silence. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 2000. Print. Stetz, Margaret D., and Bonnie B. C. Oh. Legacies of the Comfort Women of World War II. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2001. Print. Tanaka, Toshiyuki. Hidden Horrors: Japanese War Crimes in World War II. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1996. Print. Tong, Rosemarie. Feminist Thought: A Comprehensive Introduction. Boulder, CO: Westview, 1989. Print. â€Å"Uncomfortable Truths.† Trouble and Strife RSS. N.p., n.d. Web. 13 Dec. 2012. â€Å"United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime.† What Is Human Trafficking? N.p., n.d. Web. 13 Dec. 2012. Vance, Carole S. â€Å"Social Construction Theory.† An Introduction to Women’s Studies: Gender in a Transnational World. By Inderpal Grewal and Caren Kaplan. Boston: McGraw-Hill Higher Education, 2006. 29-32. Print. Varga, Aniko. â€Å"National Bodies: The ‘Comfort Women’ Discourse and Its Controversies in South Korea.† Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 9.2 (2009): n. pag. Print. Watanabe, Kazuko. â€Å"Trafficking in Women’s Bodies: Then and Now: The Issue of Military â€Å"Comfort Women†Ã¢â‚¬  Peace & Change 20.4 (1995): 501-14. Print. Yang, Hyunah. â€Å"Finding the â€Å"Map of Memory†: Testimony of the Japanese Military Sexual Slavery Survivors.† Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique 16.1 (2008): 79-107. Print. Yoshimi, Yoshiaki, and Suzanne O’Brien. Comfort Women: Sexual Slavery in the Japanese Military during World War II. New York: Columbia UP, 2000. Print.

Wednesday, January 8, 2020

The People Of Yellow Springs - 1635 Words

Ryan Finney Professor Kristen Sweet-McFarling ANTH 2102 27 July 2016 People of Yellow Springs I spent several days observing the small village of Yellow Springs, Ohio. Founded in 1825 and incorporated in 1856, Yellow Springs has a long history of advocating for civil rights. During the Civil War, Yellow Springs became a safe haven for over thirty freed and escaped slaves. Yellow Springs has also come under government and media scrutiny multiple times over the years for the local support of the political left-wing. This became especially true during the Red Scare of the Cold War, where they supported the right of academic freedom, which included Russia and Communism (Chiddister). In the following decades the village continued its trend of civil rights advocacy, becoming the smallest town to pass ordinances that protected sexual orientation as a status, which prohibited discrimination around it. I chose to do observe the population of Yellow Springs in two major hubs of the village, in order to try and get a broad idea of what exactly it meant to be a citizen of this â€Å"hip py† town. My first observation location was on Xenia Avenue, which is the main street of â€Å"downtown†, where many of the shops are located. I picked this as an observation point because it is where most people in the town go during their day to day life; I saw it as an opportunity to be able to observe the townsfolk living their lives without drawing too much attention to myself, which could skew myShow MoreRelatedFreedom Of Choice : Yellow Springs865 Words   |  4 Pagesturning down of the industry, Yellow Springs was green, productive and alive. Yellow springs was established as an Underground Railroad town in 1825 (Ghansah, 2). This was home to Dave Chappelle, who lived a simple life amid great pastures and fresh air. This small town was home to many of the African Americans whom had the freedom to choose whatever they desired from the several pleasures, thus Yellow springs was a place defined by liberty of the blacks. In Yellow Springs, space was adequate for t heRead MoreA Report On The Dayton City865 Words   |  4 Pagesturning down of the industry, Yellow Springs was green, productive and alive. Yellow springs was established as an Underground Railroad town in 1825 (Ghansah, 2). This was home to Dave Chappelle, who lived a simple life amid great pastures and fresh air. This small town was home to many of the African Americans who had the freedom to choose whatever they desired from the several pleasures, thus Yellow springs was a place defined by the liberty of the blacks. In Yellow Springs, space was adequate for theRead More Comparing and Contrasting the Movie and Natalie Babbitts Book Entitled Tuck Everlasting902 Words   |  4 Pagesvery dangerous secret about a particular spring water. 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